The Polish general election and then the Russian elections in late 1993 sent
conflicting messages through the countries of the former `Soviet bloc'. And
at the time of writing the Ukrainian parliamentary elections as well as the
Russian local elections seemed destined to confuse not only the Ukrainian
electorate but all those concerned about developments in the region. The
Hungarian, Slovakian and other elections later this year are anticipated with
apprehension. Were the messages signs of "reform fatigue"? Or were they a
recognition that "shock therapy" and its variants had been interpreted as
medicine that was unpalatable for those living in the region?
The political changes have administered some salutary lessons to all those
inclined to push through their pet prescriptions without taking the trouble to
diagnose the ailments or recognise the actual needs of people. There are
huge dangers that lie ahead, currently epitomised by `nationalism' and
regional factionalism.
Those dangers have been exacerbated by five years of relative neglect of
social consequences of the reforms. The dangers are the outcome of
growing disparities in incomes, between regions, sectors and age groups and
between majorities and `ethnic' or other minorities. That is the unacceptable
face of the transition.
This is the year of the rejection of the market economics that takes no
account of distributional outcomes. Poverty is not just a matter of those
living below some `poverty line'. It is about relative incomes, about
inequality, in terms of status and opportunity as well as income. The antidote
to false `leveling' and the corrosive inequality of bureaucratic centralism is
not unregulated market individualism. It is a society in which institutions and
regulatory procedures ensure a creative dynamism and a social sense of
equity.
This is a year when the pursuit of economic, social and human `rights' for
groups made vulnerable by the economic reforms should be put firmly back
into the centre of political and social debate. This should apply to minorities
of all kinds. This is why we chose workers with `disabilities' as the first
group on which to focus for the first of our series of Policy Manuals. Some
people have asked why we started by giving special attention to that group of
people. There are many reasons.
First, the `disabled' are a minority, yet we all become part of that minority,
sooner or later. Reflecting on the social and labour policy needs of that
group highlights problems that we all have the prospect of facing. Second, it
is a group for whom future policy is likely to be profoundly different from
that of the past. For those workers, the future should be about
`mainstreaming' and the promotion of human and citizenship `rights' and the
means of securing those rights, not `regulations' and `directives'. Debates
about civil rights and equality of treatment are so universal with respect to
those of our fellow citizens who suffer from some physical or mental
impairment that it shames us all to accept institutionalised neglect or
inequality.
The Team's Policy Manual for Workers with Disabilities has been produced
in six languages. We thank all those who contributed to it, including the UK
Government, which assisted with funding, the German Government, which
financed the Poznan Conference in February at which a version was
presented, and the ILO Vocational Rehabilitation Branch (F/REHAB).
We are now working on a more tendentious set of issues, the problems of
discrimination and labour market disadvantage faced by minorities in
countries of the region. We are glad to have established a good `team' to
work on producing a Policy Manual that will identify policies pursued in
different countries outside and inside the region and will identify the
advantages and disadvantages of each type of policy for potential application
in the region.
That is one issue that will preoccupy ILO-CEET in this year of redistribution.
We are also working on the range of issues that arise in considering the
status of reform, that is, the mechanisms by which particular sets of policies
are designed, implemented and regulated, including institutional safeguards
and the role of various interest groups in the process. As reported
elsewhere, the Team organised its first tripartite meeting to consider such
issues in Larnaca in March, and further efforts will be made in the coming
months to refine a consensual approach to the governance of social and
labour policy.
We believe that `tripartite' mechanisms will be the best approach, although
we realise that these may have to take novel forms and should involve groups
and representatives from outside what is normally regarded as part of the
tripartite nexus. Yet without the involvement of such groups, reforms will
not be legitimised or effectively implemented.
At the time of writing, the ILO has launched its work for a major report on
employment and incomes in the world to be presented by the Director
General in 1995, at about the same time as related work will be presented to
the United Nations' Social Summit. We are sure these will be important
avenues for extending the ILO's message on the vital importance of socially
equitable labour markets, and we wish those responsible for preparing them
every success. GS.