by Dimitrina Dimitrova
Senior Specialist, Workers' Activities
Under the Stability Pact project “Strengthening Social Dialogue and tripartism and enhancing technical expertise in labour law in the countries of South Eastern Europe”, financed by the French and Italian governments, the ILO is conducting research on trade union responses in the process of transition, with a focus on SEE. Based on analyses of trade union experiences over the past decade in selected South and Central European countries, the research attempts to strengthen the reflective capacity of trade unions for assessing and exploring ways to increase their effectiveness.
The selection of countries for the research was based on mixed criteria, combining internal trade union characteristics and major environmental factors. In order to address the diversity of situations, four cases will be studied: Bulgaria, Hungary, Serbia and Slovenia. This selection allows the analysis of the effectiveness of trade union responses to transition reform policies depending on (1) stages of trade union consolidation, and (2) the degrees of maturity in economic, social and democratic reforms. The fields of action, scope for manoeuvring and outcomes of trade union actions in the four countries have varied greatly. The research thus is an attempt to analyze various strategic responses by trade unions, on the assumption that this can be useful for trade unions in SEE in formulating their strategies in the years to come.
Trade unions have made the strategic decision to be among the forces supporting democratization and the transition to a market economy in the region. This decision has created an opportunity for the genuine representation of workers’ interests. It has helped trade unions legitimize their claims in the new democratic order, in which they have become important institutional players. In addition, the emergence of an independent and pluralistic trade union movement is an important part of the development of civil society.
At the same time, a range of factors have undermined the trade union influence and led to a considerable setback in trade union membership over the course of transition. First, the social impact of transition reforms was detrimental to the well-being of the vast majority of workers. Second, excessive pluralism has had a negative impact on the quality of the representation of workers’ interests. Third, the complex nature and rapid implementation of transition reforms haveoften made it difficult for trade unions to develop coherent policy responses. This has led in some cases to piecemeal and fragmented trade union reactions, varying from country to country. These have ranged from simple responses in the face of events to strategic initiatives, and from deliberate inaction to an inability to act.
It is often said that trade unions in CEE did not really have much of a strategic choice with regard to transition reform policies in the early 1990s. Indeed, with the exception of Slovenia, the dilemma of “shock therapy” versus a “gradual approach” never broke out of academic circles to become a subject of debate for policymakers and the general public – shock therapy was presented as the only possible way for market reform. In the compressed initial stage of reform, there was no real scope for the involvement of the social partners in the design of a transition reform strategy. Although in some countries trade unions took the strategic initiative in promoting dialogue in the form of “round tables” that contributed considerably to the peaceful transition, in general the trade union impact on the content of the reforms was lower.
Indeed, the legitimization of independent trade unions depended largely on their support for democratic reforms and peaceful transition to market economy. This was a deliberate strategy that received higher priority than defending the immediate interests of trade union members, which were seen as derivative from democratization and successful market transition. It was assumed that these interests would be served later on. In the years that followed, unions in CEE made great efforts to use institutional Social Dialogue to soften the impact of painful transition reforms on their members, but the degree of success varied both from country to country and issue by issue.
The current strength and future influence of trade unions in South Eastern Europe is exposed to even greater challenges, as the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia has exacerbated transition problems. Trade unions in some SEE countries are faced with a fundamental question – what will be the impact of painful neo-liberal policies on their fragile democracies, weak economies and socially devastated landscapes that resulted from protracted conflicts. They seek a solution to prevent these problems from turning into causes for perpetuation of underdevelopment, social disintegration and poverty.
Recognizing the danger that the development path may have economic and social effects that are not conducive to sustainable development, and thus divert rather than converge with the European social model, trade unions in SEE are now in the process of rethinking experiences and ideas. They are in search of new policies that would better correspond to the short- and long-term interests of their members. Despite fundamental similarities, the peculiar situation in some SEE countries means there are important differences in comparison with CEE countries. Not only is the time dimension of reforms more compressed, but also the sequencing of reforms is different. Therefore, the experiences of CEE countries – although relevant – are not sufficient. Trade unions in South Eastern Europe need to explore further the policies that would best suit their countries.
What policy choices are available and what strategies do trade unions in SEE have to devise in order to respond to the particular challenges they face? The answer requires first of all a shift away from the paralyzing assumption that there is no alternative to current policies, and that there is no place for strategic initiatives by trade unions. In the search for new policy proposals, they are inspired by the ILO Decent Work Agenda, which provides a broad analytical and policy framework for new development avenues and policy options. However, trade union success would depend not only on their vision regarding the desired goal of achieving sustainable economic growth and social prosperity in their countries, but also on their strategy or multiple strategies for how to achieve this goal. Therefore, the research will also highlight the resources trade unions need to introduce, promote and sustain their policies.
The current trade union research project has three stages: the development of research papers, a publication on the findings, and carrying out a sub-regional seminar on trade union strategies for decent work in SEE. The expected outcome is an increased capacity of trade union experts and leaders to analyze internal and environmental factors that are key to trade union success. The project may assist them in developing methods and measures for assessing their effectiveness and relevance for members, and in shaping their strategies in the years to come. Yet, although trade union goals may remain unchanged, the environment will constantly change. Therefore, the capacity of trade unions to devise relevant strategies will itself be a factor for their survival and success.
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