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The Social Dimension of Finance: A practitioners workshop

24-25 April 1997, Geneva

Workshop report


Table of Contents

Workshop Organization

    Background

    Objectives

    Programme

    Participants

    Evaluation

Discussion

    Welcome address

    Is there a social dimension to finance?

    Financial markets: Access issues

    Creating microfinance institutions

    Bridging banks and enterprises: Guarantee funds

    Linking microfinance and government: Social funds - model?

    More alternatives for access to the financial market

    Financial markets: Equity issues

    Self-help groups: Organizing for change?

    Microfinance for women's empowerment?

    Financial markets and labour markets

    Bonded labour

    Social banking

    Policies addressed at financial markets

    Central banks and microfinance institutions: Scope for partnership?

    The impact of financial sector liberalisation on the poor

    Implications for ILO policy and programmes

Conclusions

Annexes

    Programme Annex 1

    List of participants Annex 2

    Background paper Annex 3


Workshop Organization

Background

This was the second time that ILO staff from the field and Geneva gathered to discuss issues in relation to the social dimension of finance. Since the 1991 meeting "The ILO and the Financial Sector" the impact of the financial sector on the ILO's work has become even more obvious, whether in the field of employment generation, poverty alleviation or social protection. The Social Summit in Copenhagen in March 1995 and the Microcredit Summit in February 1997 in Washington have recalled to a wider audience the links between finance and social concerns. Finance influences the work of ILO technical programmes in different ways. ILO staff and constituents increasingly expressed the need to tie the various strands of activities in this field together and examine to what extent future work needs to be enhanced by something like an ILO policy framework. As a first step in this direction and after extensive consultation with all parties involved it was considered useful to bring together ILO practitioners to discuss the outline of such a policy.

Objectives

The workshop was to:

  • take stock of ILO activities related to finance;
  • identify systematically the links between different ILO activities related to the financial sector; and
  • assemble the elements for a draft policy statement spelling out the ILO's special concerns as regards financial sector issues and the contributions it is expected to make.

Programme

The two day workshop was a mix of presentations by renowned experts in social finance and thematic sessions, introducing presentations on ILO projects. The detailed programme is attached in ANNEX 1. The general themes were:

  • Financial markets: access issues.
  • Financial markets: equity issues.
  • Financial markets and labour markets.
  • Policies addressed at the financial markets with social implications.

To ensure a lively exchange of ideas and experiences, each presentation followed a format:

1. Summary description of the project (problem to be addressed, counterpart, target group, etc.).

2. Rationale for ILO involvement.

3. Impact observed.

4. Key lessons for the ILO (why is the project relevant for the ILO as a whole?).

Participants

The 32 participants came from ILO field projects, MDTs, ILO Head Office and from outside the ILO. The detailed list of participants is attached in ANNEX 2.

Evaluation

All participants expressed their appreciation for the workshop, its informal atmosphere, the mix of themes and the opportunity to exchange experiences and ideas with colleague practitioners and experts from different parts of the world. Improvements recommended for future workshops, include clearer directions on the expected outcome and up-front distribution of participants' professional profiles.


Discussion

Welcome address

In his welcome address Masaru Ishida, Director of the Enterprise and Cooperative Development Department, recalled the creation of the Poverty-oriented Banking Programme in 1991 within the new ILO department on private sector promotion, "ENTREPRISE". This Programme was to build bridges between ENT/MAN which looks after individual enterprises and COOP which is concerned with the promotion of associations and cooperatives.

Over the years work on this cross-cutting theme yielded a wealth of issues related to the financial sector and affecting enterprises and other ILO target populations: migrant worker remittances, bonded labour, micro-finance, social banking, revolving loan and guarantee funds, gender-specific control over financial resources etc. These issues had in common a concern for social equity and economic and financial efficiency: for example, economic agents should not be excluded from financial markets only because of scale, the size of their undertaking or gender. In the language of microfinance this meant that the ILO had to combine outreach to the poor (equity) with sustainability of the intermediary institution (efficiency).

This balance was not always easy to maintain. There were value judgements involved on what is more and what is less important; there were also group interests at stake and conflicts. To insist, for example, that microfinance programmes should reach full financial sustainability categorically within 5 years has implications for the loan portfolio, possibly to the detriment of poor people. This was a matter for policy choice, not just for Governments, banks, NGOs and social partner organisations, but also and primarily for the ILO itself. Often the ILO received requests from constituents for advice on how to define the criteria for eligibility for micro-loans from a Social Fund. Some solutions that the ILO may offer could diminish social pressure and be politically convenient in the short term, but were at the expense of the viability of the intermediary institutions. Other recipes favoured the soundness of the intermediary institution, possibly at the expense of social peace.

The objective of the workshop was therefore to distill the core principles of an ILO policy on finance. The workshop should yield a draft policy statement or position for consideration by the Office and discussion by the Governing Body.

Is there a social dimension to finance?

In the first keynote speech J.D. von Pischke recalled that finance was primarily social: after all, credit meant trust. Financial markets created value, but this entailed risk and to some extent this risk could be offset by confidence. Every transaction between people tested this confidence. The more competitive financial markets were, the more they contributed to society, through open market access and a wide range of services and products. Finance was in his view most socially useful when it was allowed to do what it can do best, i.e. efficient intermediation. Innovations added to these social benefits, for example, by lengthening the term structure of credit, reducing transaction costs for borrowers and lenders and refining the valuation processes that determine creditworthiness, loan size and credit terms and conditions. An illustration of such an innovation was the attempt to ensure that NGOs which are normally not allowed to take deposits would be able to do so provided the required regulatory framework is adjusted. Working against the financial market produced in his view little benefits; this applied to interest rate controls, credit rationing, blanket negligence of risk in financial contracts, and a too rapid propensity to intervene in cases of market failures. There was also a level of poverty and deprivation which would not allow the absorption of financial services and where direct transfers were more meaningful.

Von Pischke reported on a genuine innovation with tangible social benefits, called a "capital enhancement guarantee" system, proposed for Poland by an FAO mission. This type of guarantee simply provides additional capital to banks to encourage them to undertake deals they consider too risky or that would not otherwise meet the standards of regulators. Capital would be provided through a bidding process in auctions of donor-supplied guarantee funds. Banks' bids would be expressed as the proportion of additional capital, in relation to the size of the proposed loans(s) in question. Low bids would win, permitting banks to expand their risks at the margin. This type of guarantee is based on the assumption that bankers are better placed than third parties are to evaluate risk, and that a principal contribution that banks make to welfare is to price and manage risk. Auctioning capital directly to banks is a transparent way of offering guarantees. Bank regulators would ascertain through their routine examination of banks that the loans for which capital was provided were in fact undertaken. This guarantee mechanism avoids the costs of maintaining separate guarantee agencies, most of which do not contribute to the reduction of real risk, only its coverage. The auctioneer could be the Central Bank, Ministry of Finance, a foreign bank, an insurance company, a law office or the national lottery. Donor funds would disburse rapidly, providing capital that offers a permanent increase in lending capacity to banks that price risk correctly. The ILO should, according to Von Pischke, insist on sustainability of the intermediaries using ILO seed money. The ILO also had a role to play in dissemination of findings about what works in the small scale financial market. Most importantly, the ILO had a distinct responsibility as a social conscience agent in matters of international financial policy and programmes.

The ensuing discussion focussed on the social effects of globalizing financial markets which put international labour standards to the test, above all as regards collective bargaining and the freedom of association. In view of these linkages there was an obligation for an international agency like the ILO to assist constituents in making sure that policies addressed at the financial sector have minimum social costs.

Financial markets: Access issues

Creating microfinance institutions

The presentation by Peter Kooi dealt with ACLEDA (Association of Cambodian Local Economic Development Associations), the largest microfinance institution in Cambodia, with a loan portfolio of approx. $ 6 million and 35,000 active borrowers, most of them poor women (90%). The average active loan is $ 200. ACLEDA had a network of 23 branch offices and 220 professional staff. ACLEDA is a national NGO that received ILO technical assistance since 1993. The current ILO support is through the UNDP/ILO project "Alleviation of Poverty through ACLEDA's Financial Services".

After a period of declining budget deficits, ACLEDA is expected to break-even in 1997 and in 1998 even a modest surplus is expected. Impact studies showed that small business loans of approx. $ 500 created or sustained one job. 97% of the respondents indicate that their living conditions had improved and were now able to spend more on education, housing and food. They were also able to generate more savings. The studies also showed a steady decline in the interest rates of money lenders. According to half of the respondents this decline was due to ACLEDA's presence as a micro finance institution. 93% of the clients rated ACLEDA's services as very effective. 96% of the community leaders said to be impressed with the way ACLEDA operated. Reflecting its progress towards as sustainable microfinance institution ACLEDA is embarking on a transformation into a fully fledged bank, which will allow it to attract deposits from the general public.

The factors that contributed to ACLEDA's success were its emphasis on local capacity-building from the start, in terms of management, technical competence and organization and a policy to scale up to volumes of transactions, to adapt market oriented pricing policies, to design demand oriented services and to put constant emphasis on productivity improvements.

The lessons for the ILO were that microfinance can indeed make a substantial impact on the incomes and welfare of the most disadvantaged groups of a population, even in a country without any financial infrastructure. Access to sustainable financial services was key to poverty alleviation and job creation. The emphasis on institutional sustainability of the intermediary and outreach and impact on the poor was highly relevant in the ILO's context, with its mandate to achieve equity and efficiency objectives simultaneously. ILO should become more involved in activities to support self employment and employment in SMEs taking into account that credit was indeed often the key bottleneck. The objective for the ILO should be to develop models and success stories such as ACLEDA and PA-SMEC for replication world-wide. It is the ILO's responsibility and comparative advantage to examine the impact of microfinance on jobs, income and welfare.

Bridging banks and enterprises: Guarantee funds

The presentation by Peter van Rooij dealt with the contributions of guarantee fund mechanisms to poverty alleviation. ILO had a variety of experiences with guarantee funds, for example through the Assistance to Business Creation (ABC) project in Kenya and the inter-regional programme in support of NGO-managed Guarantee Schemes. In the latter project, US$ 400,000 were made available as guarantee capital, which enabled NGOs to access an amount of US$ 1.2 million in loans over a period of three years. As a result of this leverage, some target group borrowers claimed to have enjoyed an average income increase of some 10 percent. After almost four years of project implementation, out of the original guarantee of US$ 400,000 only 2,25 per cent were called by banks.

According to the independent evaluation of this ILO programme, "the needs of the informal sector are growing rapidly, whilst banks remain hesitant to include very small-scale producers among their regular clients. An intermediary solution is therefore required. The guarantee fund is a concrete response to such needs. This project adds a new element to what is generally applied, namely the self-management". The effectiveness of the guarantee instrument seemed to be due to several factors: familiarity of NGO staff with the functioning of a guarantee mechanism; prior relations with the local bank; planning capacity for the economic activities of members/clients; established financial performance control measures, and a capacity to keep track of the performance of the guarantee portfolio and of the expenditure and revenue related to it. The subsequent project phase would focus even more on capacity-building through a large-scale training programme involving professional training institutions in developing countries and in the North (Luxembourg and the Netherlands).

In the subsequent discussion it became clear that a successful guarantee fund presupposed that the guarantor disposed of better information about the borrower's risk profile than the bank. This condition was more likely to be met by member-based guarantors, like mutual guarantee associations. While the direct effect of bringing additional clients into the formal banking sector (additionality criterion) was generally impossible to prove, discussants pointed out the general positive impact of a guarantee fund on building up confidence in small-scale financial transactions and on financial innovations like collateral substitution.

Linking microfinance and government: Social funds - a model?

The third illustration of ILO efforts to improve market access was presented by Christian Zeininger of the Social Development Fund (SDF) at the Ministry of Labour in Zimbabwe. The purpose of this project was to put the SDF on a sound basis and transform it into a genuine apex mechanism for wholesale lending to financial NGOs which in turn onlend to eligible microentrepreneurs, primarily people who lost their jobs as a result of structural adjustment measures. The strategy of this project was to help financial intermediaries attain progressively higher levels of sustainability, i.e. cost coverage (capital depreciation and losses, administrative costs) after three years. The challenge of the project consisted in turning around an existing loan-disbursement machinery into a fully viable and sustainable set-up. To that end, the project had to build up a capacity to collect outstanding loans, and bring Government and the financial NGOs to agree on the interest spread. The lessons learnt in this exercise will be relevant and replicable to other African countries with similar social funds and similar pressures to relieve the unemployment problem in urban areas.

In the ensuing debate it was pointed out that the social dimension of structural adjustment programmes seem to come always as an afterthought and the ILO was not sufficiently involved in the design of these programmes. Another point of discussion was the question to what extent social funds could effectively satisfy the large number of unemployed interested in microfinance for self employment. The quality of outreach was yet another point in the debate: the actual income and welfare effects varied depending on the length of observation and the poverty levels at which these financial services were oriented.

More alternatives for access to the financial market

José Cabrera and Alfredo Lazarte subsequently presented ILO experiences in Latin America. The PASI ("Programa de Apoyo al Sector Informal"), a programme in Honduras to assist micro and small enterprises, also found that one of the biggest constraints for growth of enterprises in the informal sector was lack of credit. The PASI credit fund, financed by the World Bank and administered by two commercial banks, sought to link the informal sector and banks.

Alfredo Lazarte described experiences with the credit component of the PRODERE Programme ("Programa de Desarrollo para Desplazados, Refugiados y Repatriados en Centroamerica"), an inter-agency programme for displaced persons, refugees, ex-combatants and the rural population in Central America, where the ILO was in charge of employment and income generating activities. The objective of the credit component of the programme was to establish and to institutionalize local financial sub-systems within the framework of Local Economic Development Agencies. The following methodology was used in identifying the appropriate financial system for the local context:

1. Identification of target group;

2. Analysis of access problems to financial services;

3. Promotion of the local economic development concept;

4. Identification and/or design of appropriate financial instruments, such as guarantee funds, rotating and revolving funds, and establishing links with existing local financial institutions.

Under PRODERE 41 different financial intermediaries were set up between 1990 and 1995, providing a total of US$ 17.7 million to about 34,000 direct beneficiaries.

Financial markets: Equity issues

Self-help groups: Organizing for change?

Agnès André presented the Support Project to Cooperative and Mutual Development in Haiti ("Appui au Développement des Secteurs Coopératif et Mutualiste", HAI/95/014). The objective of this project was to assist the cooperative sector in Haiti and to professionalise the "caisses populaires". Of the 701 cooperatives in Haiti more than 40% were people's banks. The majority of these have existed only since 1990; most were not formally registered, only 10% had obtained an official government agreement. On average the people's banks reached less than 5% of the population in their catchment area. There were other decentralised financial mechanisms in Haiti, more informal and not necessarily organised according along cooperative principles. Most of these followed the microcredit approach, i.e. channelling external credit lines through NGOs into the economy. Some of these NGOs are exclusively involved in microfinance, others undertook primarily social development activities. Some used subsidised interest rates, others not. In general, the financial sector in Haiti was highly fragmented. There were practically no linkages between banks, peoples' banks and financial NGOs. Banks were only present in the capital. There was little competition among them and their loan portfolios were highly concentrated.

In the context of Haiti, microfinance referred to transactions ranging from as low as $ 65 to $ 6,500. Most loans were distributed without collateral. There was likely to be an increased demand for small-scale financial services and ensuing adjustments in management and ownership structure. This was particularly pressing since most "caisses" operated so far without any technical or financial assistance from outside. Major difficulties encountered in Haiti's microfinance sector were: deficient management capabilities of small and microentrepreneurs, the scarcity of profitable small-scale investment opportunities and an incomplete liberalisation of the economy and of the financial sector in particular.

In the discussion, it was pointed out that over-regulation of the cooperative sector often led to considerable distortions (the example of Tanzania was quoted). It was also mentioned that care should be taken to raise the present low penetration rate (4,5%), possibly by enlarging the focus on other member-based organisations. Finally, there was a broad agreement that support strategies focusing just on particular types of financial intermediaries close to the poor needed to be complemented by policy and regulatory reform and a general opening up of the financial market.

Microfinance for women's empowerment?

In the second project history dealing with equity issues, Ms. Camilla Bengtsson presented the Pilot Credit Scheme under the Women Fuelwood Carriers Project in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The project sought to promote self reliance and income-increasing capacities for some of the poorest women in Addis Ababa, women who collect and transport firewood. The project aimed at a balance between the needs of women fuelwood carriers, urban fuelwood demand and sustainable forest resource management. The pilot credit scheme was implemented under the auspices of the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs; it followed the methodology of the Grameen Bank with some adaptations to the context of urban Ethiopia.

Monitoring the impact of credit was an important means to define the relation between microfinance and women's empowerment. Empowerment meant to signal a positive change in terms of women's:

  • increased income;
  • business performance;
  • control over finance;
  • participation in decision making;
  • and the sustainability of the income-generating activity.

The project carried out regular surveys on income and expenditure patterns of women fuelwood carriers. Structured interviews and group discussions were used to gain a better understanding of the decision making process on household income and expenditures, the social and economic status of the women fuelwood carriers and the impact of the project on their self-esteem. As a result of their participation in various project activities, the women's capacity in identifying problems and their solutions had increased. Consequently, instead of waiting for the project to act on their behalf, women now took the initiative and acted for themselves. The pilot credit scheme would take considerable time to become sustainable. It could already serve as a test case for the identification and application of indicators to measure the impact of credit on the lives of poor women.

The discussion focussed on the question of effective control over the use of credit and financial resources. It was emphasized that property rights were often not clearly defined. Legal awareness together with collective action were essential to ensure that women benefit from their rights. Market saturation should be avoided by making women aware of the risks of starting the same activities at the same time and in the same location. The importance of savings was also underlined. Participants also raised the question whether microfinance institutions should bother to want to know how a micro loan was used, i.e. for consumption or investment. For the poorest clients, this distinction did not matter much as they needed to ensure simply some protection against further deprivation. Social consumption in particular may look conspicuous to outsiders, but it had an important binding and insurance function, especially for the poor. Von Pischke made the point that formal finance was exclusive, i.e. by definition and through rules and barriers it did not allow certain people to obtain services, in contrast to the informal financial sector.

It was pointed out that the principle of freedom of association, normally restrictively applied to the labour market, also had significance in informal finance. In a similar argument it was pointed out that debt slavery was an area where a purely legislative approach was likely to be ineffective unless it was accompanied by measures to create and increase competition in rural financial markets. Another discussant said that practically all overarching ILO concerns, i.e. poverty alleviation, employment creation and social protection, were directly affected by the financial sector. In this context it was stated that trade union pension funds were often powerful players in the financial market and that their operations may be significant in the framework of the forthcoming ILO Action Programme on Social Banking.

Another point of discussion was the scope of the ILO work: the BRI Village Unit programme had shown that very poor people could make productive use of micro loans and pay them back, with a minimum loan size of US$ 11 and over 2 million borrowers and 12 million savers; the ILO should apply the lessons of this success story; it should also look beyond credit or microcredit and cover the whole range of financial services essential for the survival and welfare of the poor and working population. In particular, accessible, safe and reasonably remunerated deposit facilities were even more vital for the majority of the poor than credit.

Another approach towards the social dimension of finance was to look at the purpose for which people saved and asked for credit. While in many cases this related to economic goals, such as financing of income generating activities, very often people simply wished to save and obtain credit for social purposes, such as education, health care and social protection for old-age and disability.

Financial markets and labour markets

Bonded labour

J.D. von Pischke recalled the principal cause of bonded labour and debt slavery, namely a monopolised local financial market and surplus labour manifested by below subsistence-level wage rates. The question was whether debt slavery fulfilled the conditions of normal contracts, i.e. whether it was freely chosen, characterised by reasonably symmetrical information between borrower and lender and whether it was enforceable. In most cases there were no written records of these debt contracts. Interlinked transactions may or may not be exploitative, and the social context may determine the judgement. For example, sharecropping arrangements could be structured to produce efficient price and quantity links among labour, product and capital markets, but may still be denigrated by observers who feel that sharecropping as an institution is unjust.

Seen as a credit contract, the labour bond could only be replaced if an alternative contractual arrangement was more efficient, i.e. if the relative benefits to borrower, lender and labourer were generated at lower total costs. Von Pischke expressed some scepticism on whether it was possible to compete against a monopolistic moneylender, for several reasons: transaction costs for any other intermediary were high, absorption capacity for debt among the poor was limited, Government loan schemes were often unsustainable and landlords could also easily buy out the rural poor relieving a debt towards a third party; rather than setting up alternative credit projects it would be more feasible to give grants to the indebted labourer so that he could purchase himself out of the contract. However, this may be like pouring water into a bucket with a hole. More realistic would seem to be measures to educate people about the real costs of ostentatious consumption expenditure and about alternative income-generating activities, as has been done in the Grameen Bank. Self-organisation of bonded labourers was another avenue. Land reform was ideally the best policy response, but in many cases not implemented.

A participant recalled ILO Convention 29 on forced or compulsory labour, a core labour standard. This instrument equated bonded labour to slavery and called for ILO action to combat it. Macroeconomic measures to abolish these forms of slavery needed to be accompanied by improved access to appropriate financial services to avoid falling back into the debt trap.

Social banking

Udo Reifner defined social banking as "financial services capable of improving the economic structure of discriminated communities". Social banking combined the profitability and social values, it was also associated with a high degree of participation. Social banking was not charity, nor was it ownership of banks and financial institutions by socially oriented agents. An example of social banking were legislative initiatives like the Community Reinvestment Act of 1976 in the US; another example were consumer advisory councils dealing with overindebted consumers, and ethical investments were also a an illustration of social banking. Social banking could be based on an agreement by shareholders or depositors to forego part of the dividends resp. interest for the benefit of some social cause. Social banking institutions like South Shore Bank in the US have been profitable over a 30 year period and as a result several commercial banks have become interested in social banking. NATWEST in the UK, for example, has set up a study group to look into the scope for and constraints of social banking.

Social banking resources went primarily into housing, small businesses and self employment. Whether practised by conventional banks or non-banking suppliers, it was more personal than conventional banking in its emphasis on character lending and credit scoring and integrated the environment into appraisal processes ("green lining"). Reifner illustrated this by a comparison between the appraisal criteria of Dun&Bradstreet and South Shore Bank: the former looked exclusively at the performance and status of an individual, the latter looked at the individual, his or her environment and the entire social context.

The financial products in social banking were characterised by greater simplicity and transparency as regards actual costs and repayment schedule, they are more long-term in nature and seek to install a stable bank-client relationship and a greater tolerance of a client's possible cash flow problems. Because of the high risks involved these financial products are often accompanied by secondary protection, like state guarantees, or a combination with non-financial services and involvement of community groups and NGOs. Cooperative Banks, mutuals and institutions like Grameen bank manage to keep their transaction costs fairly low. This presupposed, however, an intact network of family, community and solidarity links, which was particularly precarious in areas of urban decay. The challenge for social banking was therefore to regenerate those bonds within a neighbourhood.

Policies addressed at financial markets

Central banks and microfinance institutions: Scope for partnership?

This presentation by Luc Vandeweerd and Antonin Dossou dealt with the cooperation of the ILO with the Central Bank of West African States (BCEAO) in francophone West Africa, within the programme in support of mutual and decentralised financial systems ("PA-SMEC"). The BCEAO as the monetary authority in the eight member states took an increasing interest in non-regulated intermediaries, particularly after it had become evident in the late 1970s and early 1980s that the classical banking sector was not able to cater to the demand of the majority of the population. The entire financial sector was highly unstable which led to the closure of most development banks. The BCEAO had since adopted an incentive-based regulatory framework to protect the interests of the small saver, but also to safeguard the financial autonomy of these decentralised financial systems ("DFS") and enhance their growth, so that they reach more people especially in rural and peri-urban areas. The PA-SMEC had set up a network of national coordination boards in each of the eight West-African countries, it periodically collected key information about all DFS in these countries (data banks) and provided direct advisory services and training.

The main challenges for the DFS in West Africa were their rapid growth and the risks for their sustainability and depositors' safety. Another problem was the absence of stable links with the banking sector. The increasing disparity between DFS in urban areas and rural areas also posed problems, and the lack of suitable short term financial products.

In the ensuing discussion the question was raised what would happen in case a DFS became insolvent; it was signaled that public authorities had committed themselves to guarantee at least the liabilities of all registered DFS towards small depositors.

The impact of financial sector liberalisation on the poor

Ynto de Wit compared financial sector liberalisation to an incomplete French Revolution: interest rate liberalisation = liberty, no discrimination between economic sectors = equality, with the solidarity bit missing! He distinguished financial sector reform from financial sector liberalisation being part of the former. Financial sector liberalisation was a process, embedded in other structural adjustment programme ("SAP") processes. It was targeted only at the formal financial sector; although the poor dealt exclusively in the informal financial sector there were still some intended and unintended effects on the poor in households and enterprises.

As an illustration of the effects of FS liberalisation Herbert Rauch indicated that in Cameroon there had been in 1990, i.e. before the SAP measures, some 12 banks with 150 branches, of which in 1997 only 6 banks remained with 75 branches. Staff was cut by some 60%. The pressure on banks to become profitable in the short term raised the minimum loan size to $ 7000, the minimum deposit balance to $ 2000. As a result the Crédit Rural lost a third of its clients. Commercial banks ceased to distribute new loans and the informal capital market (including "tontines") handled now more money than the formal banking sector. The majority of the population in Cameroon was obliged to look for alternative financial suppliers.

Implications for ILO policy and programmes

In self-employment, credit is an investment into labour; in enterprises, credit and investments affect employment. In both scenarios, it was, therefore, vital to ensure that credit and other financial contracts yield optimal results in terms of efficiency and equity.

This includes a smooth functioning of the financial market, as a discussant said: the best contribution that financial markets could make to social justice was to function well, thus opening up choices and opportunities, even for the poor. Other discussants felt that while this was a necessary and even vital condition, it was not sufficient to ensure the optimisation of efficiency and equity in the financial sector; the financial market tended to lead to a concentration of resources and of the power to decide about the use of these resources. Some countervailing or at least monitoring mechanisms were justified. Access to credit, for example, if effectively barred to the majority of the population, required policy measures to compensate for this effect.

It was also pointed out that in the international arena there was too little information, communication and learning about what works and what does not, especially as regards policy interventions for target groups. It was the responsibility of the ILO to do something about this. In the view of several participants, the combination of efficiency and equity orientation justified more ILO involvement.

Another speaker recalled the importance of self help in financial matters for the poor and that this was closely related to the ILO principle of freedom of association. A further comment referred to the lack of knowledge about the exact nature of the barriers (including transaction costs) to the formalisation that hindered the growth of informal intermediaries, as in the case of the Benin "Opération 71"; similar information deficits existed as regards access issues in general. A coherent theoretical framework would be desirable. Impact assessments were not done often enough, and there was a general lack of "capitalisation "of experiences. Another theme that merited more attention was the role of microfinance and informal finance in industrialised countries.


Conclusions

What emerged during the two day workshop was a consensus on the critical link between poverty alleviation on the one hand and financial institutions and instruments on the other. With the Declaration of Philadelphia, the work of the ILO in this field is clearly mandated; social finance contributes to:

  • social protection
  • employment generation
  • poverty alleviation.
Social relations are often the source of financial innovations (reducing risks and costs in financial contracts). This could be more systematically tapped by the ILO. Another challenge for the ILO is to show and illustrate with empirical cases how the financial market affects social justice. This presupposes a more operationalised and less declaratory version of "social justice".

It is for the ILO to show win-win situations optimizing social justice and "profit"-making. Self-employment, and organisation for self-help, whether for economic purposes or for social protection, are further themes suggested for ILO work on the financial sector. Finance in self-employment and small enterprises involves the labour market directly.

During the workshop there was a broad agreement on the following key issues for future ILO work:

  • links between access to financial resources and employment and incomes
  • pilot experimental programmes to test new and risky approaches with close monitoring, for example, of fungibility in households
  • creation of an international social finance data bank for the dissemination of know-how and best practices (show-how), including didactic materials
  • sustainability of financial intermediaries
  • brokering exchanges between shareholders and stakeholders
  • performance standards
  • impact studies, especially on the gender dimension
  • refined techniques to determine the absorption capacity for credit and concerning needs analysis in general
  • training in the field of social finance.
Work on these key issues would provide the called-for information on how the financial market affects social justice and how it may be used effectively to promote employment and alleviate poverty. The complexity of social finance issues calls for further consultations and discussion with the social partners concerned in the next biennium; at the same time the need for a policy framework is confirmed, spelling out where the ILO stands, and what services its constituents can expect.

Annex 1

Programme

24 April

08:30     Registration of participants

09:00     Welcome address Masaru Ishida

09:15     Introduction of participants; objectives and organisation of the workshop Bernd Balkenhol

09.45    Is there a social dimension to finance? Issues and challenges for an organisation like the ILO; key-note address J.D. von Pischke

10.30     Coffee/tea break

11.00     Financial markets: access issues; presentations and discussion

> Creation of microfinance institutions Peter Kooi

> Bridging banks and enterprises: Guarantee funds Peter van Rooij

> Linking microfinance and government: Social funds Christian Zeininger

13:00     Lunch

14:30     Financial markets: equity issues; presentations and discussion

> Self-help groups: Organizing for change? Agnès André

> Microfinance for women's empowerment? Camilla Bengtsson

16:00    Coffee/tea break

16:30     ILO's role in microfinance: promoting social justice? debate

17:30     Closing of day 1

25 April

09:00     Financial markets and labour markets; presentations and discussion

> Bonded labour J.D. von Pischke

> Social banking Udo Reifner

11:00     Coffee/tea break

11.30     Policies addressed at financial markets; presentations and discussion

> Central bank and microfinance institutions: scope for partnership? Antonin Dossou/Luc Vandeweerd

Financial sector liberalization and the poor: are they better off? Ynto de Wit

13:00     Lunch

14:30     Implications for ILO policy and programmes; workshop

16:00     Coffee/tea break

16:30     Synthesis: Presentation of workshop outcomes and debate

17:30     Closing session


Annex 2

List of participants

The Social Dimension of Finance: A Practitioners Workshop

ILO headquarters, 24 and 25 April 1997

Name
Address
Telephone/facsimile
and E-mail numbers
Ms. A. André Project HAI/95/014

Appui au développement des secteurs coopératif et mutualiste

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haïti

Telephone: (+509) 450588

Facsimile: (+509) 239340

ou 239005 (PNUD)

E-mail: aandre@acn.com

Mr. B. Balkenhol ILO, Social Finance Unit,

ENTREPRISE

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 6070

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 6896

E-mail: balkenhol@ilo.org

Ms. C. Bengtsson Women Fuelwood Carriers Project

c/o ILO Office

P.O. Box 2788

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia

Telephone: (+251.1) 152682

Facsimile: (+251.1) 515316

Ms. Ch. Bockstal Project URT/90/M03/BEL 

DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania

Telephone:

Facsimile: (+255.51) 666004

Mr. J. Cabrera Botoneroz 207 

LIMA 33, Peru

Telephone:

Facsimile: (+511) 4497049

E-mail: cabjorg@telematic.edu.pe

Ms. J. Capt ILO, Entrepreneurship and Management Development Branch (ENT/MAN)

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 64 78

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 79 78

E-mail: capt@ilo.org

Mr. A. Dossou BCEAO

B.P. 3108

DAKAR, Senegal

Telephone: (+221) 390757

Facsimile: (+221) 239335

Mr. W. van Ginneken ILO, Social Security Department (SEC/SOC) 

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 6445

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 7962

E-mail: ginneken@ilo.org

Ms. E. Goodson ILO, Bureau for Workers' Activities (ACTRAV)

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 6187

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 6570

E-mail: goodson@ilo.org

Ms. M. Goto ILO, Entrepreneurship and Management Development Branch

(ENT/MAN)

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 6326

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 7978

E-mail: goto@ilo.org

Mr. H. Hofmeijer ILO, Enterprise and Co-operative Development Department

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 7619

Facsimile :(+41.22) 799 7691

E-mail: hofmeijer@ilo.org

Mr. M Ishida ILO, Enterprise and Co-operative Development Department

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 6579

Facsimile :(+41.22) 799 7691

E-mail: ishida@ilo.org

Ms. M. Kawar Arab States Multidisciplinary Advisory Team (ILO/ARMAT)

P.O. Box 11-4088

BEIRUT, Lebanon

Telephone: (+96.11) 371576

Facsimile: (+96.11) 371573

E-mail:

Mr. P. Kooi Project CMB/95/010

ILO/UNDP

P.O. Box 877

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia

Telephone:

Facsimile: (+855.23) 427632

E-mail:kooi-ilo@forum.org,kh

Mr. R. Kyloh ILO, Bureau for Workers' Activities (ACTRAV)

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 6402

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 6570

E-mail: kyloh@ilo.org

Mr. A. Lazarte ENTREPRISE, Room 11-63

ILO

4, route des Morillons

GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 7998822

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 7691

E-mail: lazarte@ilo.org

Ms. J. Maula SME Development Programme

ILO Turin Centre

125 Corso Unità d'Italia

I-10127 TURIN, Italy

Telephone: (+39.11) 6936776

Facsimile: (+39.11) 6638842)

E-mail: sme@itcilo.it

Mr. J.D. von Pischke 2529 Trophy Lane

RESTON VA 20191-2126

USA

Telephone: (+1.703) 8605659

Facsimile: (+1.703) 7581388

E-mail: jdvp@erols.com

Mr. H. Polat ILO Co-operative Development Branch (COOP)

4, route des Morillons

GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 8742

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 8572

E-mail: polat@ilo.org

Mr. H. Rauch Project MAG/90/M01/FRG

Lenzhalde 18

D-88179 OBEZREUTE, Germany

Telephone: (+49) 83872126

Facsimile: (+49) 83872126

Mr. U. Reifner Institut für Finanzdienstleistungen 

Burchardstrasse 22

D-20095 HAMBURG, Germany

Telephone: (+49.40) 30381632

Facsimile: (+49.40) 30381651

E-mail: 100451.2326@compuserve.com

Ms. T. Ritzema ILO, Social Finance Unit,

ENTREPRISE

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 7395

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 6896

E-mail: ritzema@ilo.org

Mr. P. van Rooij ILO, Social Finance Unit,

ENTREPRISE

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 7077

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 6896

E-mail: vanrooij@ilo.org

Ms. G. Rossignotti ILO, Bureau for Workers' Activities (ACTRAV)

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 7098

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 6570

E-mail: rossignotti@ilo.org

Ms. A. Rubin ILO, DGA/REL

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 7628

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 6157

Ms. M. de Ruyter van Steveninck ILO, Social Finance Unit, 

ENTREPRISE

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 8937

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 6896

E-mail: vansteveninck@ilo.org

Mr. H. Schütte ILO, Social Finance Unit,

ENTREPRISE

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 7671

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 6896

E-mail: schutte@ilo.org

Mr. L. Vandeweerd Project RAF/95/M17/NOR

c/o ILO Office

B.P. 414

DAKAR, Senegal

Telephone: (+221) 233574

Facsimile: (+221) 233581

E-mail: lucv@telecom-plus.sen

Mr. Y. de Wit Free University,

Economics Department

De Boelelaan 1105

NL-1081 HV AMSTERDAM

The Netherlands

Telephone: (+31.20) 4446140

Facsimile:(+31.20) 4446004

Mr. H. Yamabana ILO, Financial, Actuarial and Statistical Branch (SEC/FAS) 

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 7742

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 7962

E-mail: yamabana@ilo.org

Mr. Ch. Zeininger Project ZIM/93/M01/AUT

P.O. Box 210

HARARE, Zimbabwe

Telephone: (+263.4) 796080

Facsimile: 796080

E-mail: zeininge@mail.pci.co.zw

Ms. Y. Zhang ILO, Special Adviser on Women Workers' Questions (FEMMES)

4, Route des Morillons

1211 GENEVA, Switzerland

Telephone: (+41.22) 799 6930

Facsimile: (+41.22) 799 6388

E-mail: zhang@ilo.org

 
 
 
 


Annex 3

The ILO and the Financial Sector: Is there a Social Dimension?

Background paper(1)
(Geneva 24-25 April 1997)

40 years ago, the Philadelphia Declaration called on the ILO to examine the impact of national and international financial policies and programmes on social justice. Not much has happened in this respect since then; perhaps because for a long time the labour market did indeed function more or less well, at least until the late 1980s; and even if problems would emerge, it was generally believed that labour market policies alone would take care of unemployment.

However, since about a decade, it is becoming increasingly clear that the deregulation and globalization of economies, and especially of the financial market have major, and not always beneficial implications on employment and labour. Hardly a week goes by without the announcement of redundancy decisions and an almost immediate positive response and share value increases at the stock exchange. Shareholder interests, often represented by international banks, seem to overrule the interests of the work force: in short, financial markets and labour markets seem to be poorly adjusted.

Yet, the financial sector also provides new opportunities for employment and social progress: microfinance in particular, is starting to be seen by financial institutions as commercially viable; some financial institutions serving the poor in developing countries are beginning to be refinanced by private banks; socially concerned banks in industrialized countries have set up schemes for the long-term unemployed; and New York state, for example, recently issued a bond on the international capital market to finance a major employment programme. Even if these initiatives are still limited in number and scope, it is obvious that financial institutions can also stimulate enterprise growth and employment.

The links between finance and social issues have been emphasized by the Copenhagen Summit of 1995. Its Declaration and Plan of Action established the connection between, for example, the level of interest rates and employment, between the access to credit and the extent of small scale investments, and between the access to deposit facilities and the empowerment of particular groups of the population. The recognition of these links is also reflected in the programme shifts of international organizations. When the World Bank dedicated its 1990 World Development Report to Poverty and its 1995 report to Workers, it had become obvious that the major international financial institution was taking the social dimension of finance seriously, in fact so much so that at the recent Microcredit Summit, February 1997, President James Wolfenson justified the World Bank's interest in microfinance not with its expertise in financial sector policies, but with its commitment to social justice.

The ILO has so far not taken up the theme, as much as it could or should. It is true within the ILO there has been over the last few years a slowly increasing awareness about the social implications of financial sector issues, reflected, for example, in the creation of an Interdepartmental Working Group on Finance, or in the proliferation of small revolving loan and guarantee funds in technical cooperation projects, and lastly in the creation of a unit within the Enterprise Department to look into financial sector issues, but, on the whole, this has still remained short of a distinct ILO position and a coherent ILO policy.

Where does the ILO stand at the moment?

Finance clearly has far-reaching implications for the core mandate of the ILO, the promotion of social justice. Finance is also a key issue in a number of ILO labour standards, such as the

  • Discrimination Convention (No. 111) that calls for a national policy to eliminate discrimination in access to employment, training and markets;
  • Employment Policy Recommendation (No. 169) that calls, inter alia, for improving SMEs access to credit;
  • Cooperatives Recommendation (No. 127) that sets out the means by which cooperatives, such as credit cooperatives and credit unions, can be promoted;
  • and others.

Moreover, finance is a global concern spanning the work of different technical departments. It is a theme that has the scope to give the ILO better exposure vis-à-vis international financial institutions which dispose of the means and authority to influence policies with potentially high social costs and benefits.

These developments within the ILO have allowed to raise a few fundamental questions: is credit a panacea for empowerment? What is the impact of a loan scheme on income distribution? What are the consequences of financial sector liberalization for the poor? etc. In other words: while the concrete relevance of financial sector issues for the ILO is there, the systematic links are still missing.

Of course it could be argued that -- policy or no policy -- it does not really matter, since the ILO would have no means to influence the beheaviour of financial institutions and the formulation of financial sector policies. This may indeed be so objectively; yet constituents have a different perception: they expect the ILO to be their advocate, they see financial sector issues as crucial for the attainment of social policy objectives, notably employment under often disadvantaged conditions (political pressures, social expectations in the aftermath of firm closures or entire structural adjustment measures, etc.). Ministries of Labour and Social Welfare in Africa find themselves, all of a sudden confronted with the responsibility for managing social funds, having to distribute credit for self-employment. What line of support should the ILO follow? Can the ILO afford not to respond to these calls for assistance? Can the ILO simply brush over the dilemma between what is politically convenient (namely hand-outs) and financially sound (namely loan conditions at market rates, institutional capacity-building, a genuine "financial systems" approach)? What indeed should we advise our constituents?

The absence of ILO policy guidance is not just a handicap in relations to our constituents; it also creates a deficit at international meetings, where participants expect from the ILO to say how it defines itself vis-à-vis other international agencies. How strictly should the ILO apply the Donors' Working Group, of which the ILO is a member since seven years, norms on financial sustainability? Two years ago the ILO joined the Consultative Group to Assist the Poorest, CGAP: sufficient time to define a distinct policy position.

Similarly, in the industrialized world Ministries of Labour and social partner organizations are at a loss what to do about the consistently rising number of long term unemployed and welfare recipients. What is the ILO supposed to do here? In addition to labour market policy prescriptions, should the ILO also look into the impact of voluntary welfare-to-work schemes by big business, the job creation impact of the third sector? Would it be appropriate for the ILO to assess the relevance of associations, mutuals, cooperatives and other actors in the so-called Social Economy? What is the relevance of innovative mechanisms to raise capital and channel it through community enterprises, local development agencies, worker cooperatives, for self-employment and SMEs, targeted at the unemployed? It is encouraging to note that the ILO Governing Body, in its session in November 1996, has welcomed and adopted a proposal to take stock of what exists in this field. Perhaps the time is ripe for an ILO policy statement on a broader issue, namely the social dimension of finance.

Features of ILO work on finance: Points for discussion

A draft policy paper does not need to start from scratch; it can and must integrate a few traditional features of ILO work, like targeting. Common to most ILO programmes, including those directly or indirectly related to credit, savings, insurance, targeting seeks to put a selected group of people back into economic mainstream activities. Targeting compensates for a disadvantaged starting position due to gender, size of enterprise, age, race, etc. The underlying idea is to create level playing field conditions for all market participants, to bring about more equity in economic opportunities. ILO programmes deal with policies affecting target groups, like wage-earners, the self-employed and anybody in need of social protection. What happens in the financial market affects these target groups, not always directly, but via market access or via market distortions, or via the demand for labour.

The ILO's work on finance and the financial market is characterised by five general features/ themes:

-- market access: the financial market is notorious for "discriminating" against the small players; high fixed costs in financial transactions make it more rewarding for a bank to deal with larger customers. How can the ILO help to create equitable market access also for smaller units and the poor? How effective is the ILO in having an impact on the performance of financial intermediaries that directly help job-creating enterprises? How good is the ILO in translating the experience of support to specific institutions into general policy prescriptions? What are the areas that the ILO should specialize in? What do we know generally about the impact of microfinance? Is impact assessment an area where we in the ILO have or should have a comparative advantage? Should the ILO concentrate on financial institutions that are more responsive to our ideas, namely savings banks, cooperative banks and financial NGOs?

-- self help: this is the classic response of economic agents to size-related handicaps in the access to the financial market. Pooling of resources helps overcome supply constraints. Classic examples are credit unions, mutual guarantee associations, etc. It is a mechanism to ensure some form of social and economic fairness. Self help is germane to the ILO's mandate, but since other agencies are active in this field, what is the ILO's distinctive mark? Is there a demand out there for expertise in this field? If so, should we refine our expertise in-house? How? How can we manage to get more to the cutting edge of international know-how in the specific area of financial self-help organizations?

-- informality: the informal market is the place where most financial transactions are undertaken, even though in terms of volume this may not amount to much. Most contracts are concluded without regard to the norms establishing property rights. Still, financial contracts continue to be concluded. To whose benefits and costs? Also, financial self help organizations are often informal (ROSCAs). What are the costs and benefits to this informality? Who would benefit from a moderate formalization? Would this affect access? To what extent can ROSCAs (traditional savings and credit associations that exist all over the world) contribute to social protection?

-- links between the labour and the financial markets: debt bondage, the result of monopolies in rural financial and labour markets is a link, with an exploitative effect. Setting up credit unions to compete against the monopolistic money lender could be more effective than just legislative or regulatory policies. What sort of a package of measures is required to tilt the local power balance against bonded labour? Another link between the labour and capital markets is illustrated by the effect of interest rate changes on investment, output and employment. Looking at the labour market gives only a partial view of the causes of unemployment. What is the ILO's angle here to the capital market and to policies addressed at it? A third illustration of the link is the impact of financial sector liberalization on the access to finance and credit. Has deregulation led to increased access to financial services? Or is there an trade off between the need for financial institutions to be sustainable and the possibility to do business with the poor?

-- the financial market as a vehicle for the attainment of social objectives: many private sector initiatives seek to get the long term unemployed in Europe and the US back into jobs. Microfinance is the key instrument here, often combined with an imaginative approach to resource mobilization. How relevant is this for "regular" financial institutions? What is the net job creation effect? How relevant is it for the formulation of labour market policies? What role do the social partners play?



Created by GT. Approved by HH. Last update: 26 April 2000.