TMSSM/1999 - Social and labour issues in small-scale mines

Small-scale mining has never before been the principal topic of a sectoral meeting at the ILO. It was, however, discussed at a Tripartite Technical Meeting for Mines other than Coal Mines that was held in 1990. A resolution that was adopted unanimously at that Meeting (see annex) noted, inter alia, that "small-scale mining in the informal sector is an important phenomenon in many parts of the world and has special needs that require to be addressed". The resolution also pointed to the employment opportunities in small-scale mining but considered that a lack of resources, skills and knowledge meant that many small-scale mining operations suffered from low productivity, inadequate incomes and poor safety and working conditions. Environmental damage from small-scale mining was also mentioned. The resolution called on member States of the ILO and on employers' and workers' organizations to take a range of measures that would enable small-scale mining to work more productively, more safely, and with less of an environmental impact.

These issues are as valid at the turn of the century as they were in 1993 when it was estimated that about 6 million people were engaged in small-scale mining. Today, with better data, the figure is more like 13 million, a significant proportion of whom are women and, unfortunately, children. Between 80 million and 100 million people could depend on small-scale mining for their livelihood.

Since that meeting at the ILO there have been several international meetings on different aspects of small-scale mining that have led to broad agreement on the action to be taken by governments, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) such as the ILO, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), mining companies and small-scale miners themselves. The ILO participated actively in each of them. The texts of the above resolution and of the other agreements are included in the annex to this report.

At its 262nd Session (March-April 1995) the Governing Body of the ILO decided that a Tripartite Meeting on Social and Labour Issues in Small-Scale Mines would be held in the 1996-97 biennium. This was a departure from the normal type of sectoral meeting since small-scale mining tends to be closer to the informal sector than the formal one, with little or no involvement of the employers' or workers' organizations that is typical of most of the other sectors covered by the Sectoral Activities Programme. Due to financial constraints, the meeting was postponed to the current biennium. At its 268th Session (March 1997), the Governing Body further decided that the governments of the following 18 countries would be invited to be represented at the meeting: Bolivia, Burkina Faso, Burundi, China, Colombia, Ecuador, Ghana, India, Indonesia, Pakistan, Peru, Philippines, South Africa, United Republic of Tanzania, Thailand, United States, Venezuela, Zimbabwe. A number of countries were included in a reserve list from which further invitees would be drawn in the event that a government on the first list did not accept the invitation. The Governing Body decided that 18 Employer and Worker participants in the Meeting would be appointed on the basis of nominations made by the respective groups of the Governing Body. They will not necessarily come from the above list of countries.

This report has been prepared by the International Labour Office as a basis for discussions at the Tripartite Meeting. It is hoped that it will also be of value beyond the meeting to all those concerned with and about small-scale mining and how best to support it as a safe, healthy, productive and sustainable activity. The report was written by Norman Jennings, Senior Industrial Specialist, Sectoral Activities Department, ILO. It is published under the authority of the International Labour Office.

Information in the report was gathered from many sources, including visits to government agencies, trade unions, chambers of mines, NGOs and small-scale mines in Africa, Asia and Latin America. A questionnaire was widely distributed -- to governments, employers' organizations and mining unions in these regions -- and 81 replies from 43 countries were received, providing much useful information and comment. Unfortunately, there was only a small response from employers' organizations and trade unions, possibly reflecting their lack of direct involvement in small-scale mining.

Parts of the report incorporate information in, or excerpts from, papers commissioned by the Office and prepared by Soumaïla Alfa, Oscar Betancourt, Edmund Bugnosen, Chang Da, Jeffrey Davidson, Dulce Estrella-Gust, Thomas Hentschel, Diógenes Roque and Evelyn Taucer, John Hollaway, and Zoila Martinez-Castilla. These papers have been edited and will be published singly or in a consolidated form as Sectoral Working Papers. When published they can be obtained from the Sectoral Activities Department or from the ILO's website <http://www.ilo.org/sector>.

The report focuses on some of the major issues in small-scale mining that were highlighted in the responses to the questionnaire and on topics that are important in resolving them. The first chapter sets the scene, putting small-scale mining in context in terms of production and employment, and addresses the issues in general terms. The subsequent chapters on occupational health and safety, women in mining and child labour illustrate some of the problems that exist and are being dealt with. The chapters on legislation, the links between large and small mines, and assistance from IGOs give examples of how some of the issues are being and might be addressed. The final chapter contains a summary of the main points in the report and some suggested points for discussion.

By discussing and clarifying the role of governments, the social partners and the ILO it is hoped that the profile of small-scale mining within the ILO and among the social partners will be raised, leading to increased assistance in providing the means for small-scale mining to ensure safe and productive employment. This will inevitably contribute to the achievement of higher productivity and remuneration, improved working conditions and health and safety, better resource management and a lessening of its environmental impact.

Small-scale mining means different things to different people. To some it is dirty, dangerous, disruptive and should be discouraged. To others it is profitable, productive, or simply the only way out of poverty.

Responses to a question on what defines a small-scale mine varied widely. For some it was the level of employment, typically less than 50 workers and ranging from fewer than 20 in Pakistan and the United States to fewer than 75 in underground mines and fewer than 150 in surface mines in India. In some cases production was the key, ranging from a maximum annual output of 15,000 tonnes of ore or mineral a year to a maximum of about 250,000 tonnes. In both cases, much depends on the level of mechanization, the type of mine and the mineral being mined. Capital investment is another criterion for small-scale mining, varying from specified limits (e.g. $2.5 million in Argentina, R8 million in South Africa, Rs.300 million in Pakistan, $1 million in Thailand, $30,000 in Zimbabwe) to unspecified guidelines (e.g. "small investment and operating cost"). The size of the claim being worked is used in some countries (e.g. Ghana, Zambia, Zimbabwe). Others referred to artisanal operations, low levels of mechanization, the use of simple equipment only. Some limited the depth to which underground and surface mines could go, either explicitly or by forbidding the use of explosives. Often, a combination of several of the foregoing factors is used. In some cases they are specified in regulations, elsewhere they are guidelines. In many countries small-scale mining is limited to nationals, although foreign partners are increasingly being allowed to help small-scale miners expand their operations in the absence of local investment.

So small-scale mining is really in the eye of the beholder -- the relevant controlling agency. Attempts down the years to find a workable definition have proved fruitless. The mines discussed in this report are small-scale mines (and to a lesser extent quarries) that are labour-intensive, with mechanization being at a low level and basic. By and large this means that production is low too. The report does not deal with small-scale mining in industrialized countries, nor with the high- technology small-scale mines that are increasingly being established by foreign mining companies, large and small, to work small deposits, particularly of gold, in developing countries.

Small-scale mining falls into two broad categories: the mining and quarrying of industrial minerals and construction materials on a small scale; and the mining of relatively high-value minerals, notably gold and precious stones. The first is mostly for local markets and exists in every country. Regulations to control and tax these mines and quarries are often in place, and the existence of informal or illegal operations at this level is generally attributable to a lack of inspection and the lax enforcement of regulations rather than to the lack of a legal framework -- much the same as for small manufacturing plants. The output from the second category of small-scale mines is generally exported. The size and character of small-scale mining of this type has often made what laws there are impossible to apply or has highlighted their inadequacy.

The economic and social impact of small-scale mining is far from small. Some years ago, small-scale mines were estimated to account for 15-20 per cent of the world's non-fuel mineral production.⁽¹⁾ At the national level, the impact in developing countries can be much greater, particularly where high-value minerals such as gold, silver and gemstones are concerned. Minerals that do not normally lend themselves to small-scale mining include copper, iron ore, lead, zinc, manganese, nickel and coal, largely because of the need for economies of scale in production and use. But each of these is mined on a small scale somewhere to meet limited local needs. The most striking example is China, where about 550 million tonnes of coal a year (40 per cent of total production) are produced in small-scale mines employing about 3 million people. Over 400 million tonnes is estimated to come from 51,000 illegal small-scale mines, almost half of which are due to be closed by the end of 1999 as part of a concerted effort by the Government to regulate this sector.⁽²⁾ Basically, other than for precious and semi-precious metals and minerals, wherever there is a small or dispersed domestic market small-scale mines are more likely to account for a high proportion of national production. As far as the exploitation of precious minerals in developing countries is concerned, small-scale mining accounts for a large proportion of gemstones (90-100 per cent in most countries) and diamonds (80-100 per cent in countries that are not major producers) and for a varying proportion of gold production (up to 100 per cent in several developing countries -- Burkina Faso, Cuba, Guyana, Mozambique, Myanmar, Niger; and over 50 per cent in Bolivia, Mexico, Philippines, United Republic of Tanzania).

As large and medium-sized mining companies look farther afield for future production, the proportion of some minerals (mainly gold and diamonds) that is produced by small-scale mines is likely to fall. This does not mean, however, that the amount of production will decrease. Gold production in particular is largely determined by the price of gold, overall economic conditions -- especially in agriculture -- and other mining activity. A fall in gold price might, paradoxically, increase small-scale mining if workers from large mines are laid off.

The response to a question on whether and by how much small-scale mining activity has changed in the last five years was mixed, but generally positive. Out of 35 developing countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America, small-scale mining had increased in 21, decreased in two and remained constant in 12. Increases in small-scale mining activity that were reported ranged from 1 per cent to 700 per cent, with most countries experiencing a 10-20 per cent increase since 1993. As for the future, small-scale mining was expected to increase in 26 countries, decline in eight and remain constant in three. Those that forecast an increase felt it would be in the range of 10-20 per cent over the period.

The number of small-scale mines reported depends on the definition, the level of production in relation to demand and, most importantly, whether or not their legal status precludes their inclusion in statistics. In 35 developing countries the number of small-scale mines ranged from under 100 (20 in Namibia) to 10,000 or so (Brazil, Colombia, India) to 250,000 (China) (table 1.1). The proportion of illegal mines -- those operating without the necessary authorization -- varied from 5 to 80 per cent in the 28 countries that provided information. In half of the countries 30 per cent or more of small-scale mines were reported as operating illegally (table 1.1). If these figures can be considered a valid sample, the extent of illegal small-scale mining is very high and so, therefore, are the likely financial losses to the countries and regions most affected.

Table 1.1. Small-scale mines and employment in selected developing countries


	Number of mines	Illegal mines (%)	Employment

Argentina	670	...	5 800
Bolivia	1 000	10-20	100 000
Brazil	10 000	±90	250 000-100 000
Burkina Faso	35-60	±20	60 000-70 000
Burundi	...	...	10 000
Central African Republic	...	...	45 000
Chad	2 000	...	10 000-15 000
Chile	7 000	±20	6 000-12 000
China	250 000	±80	4 300 000
Colombia	9 600	±70	100 000-200 000
Democratic Republic of the Congo	...	...	150 000
Côte d'Ivoire	...	...	10 000-25 000
Cuba	>300	±10	5 000
Dominica	73	-	125
Dominican Republic	...	...	2 000-3 000
Ecuador	400	...	60 000
Ethiopia	...	...	>100 000
French Guyana	...	...	5 000-10 000
Ghana	400-700	10-50	50 000-300 000
Guinea	...	±80	40 000
Guyana	3 500	±30	10 000-20 000
Haiti	>50	±80	>4 500
India	>10 000	10-60	1 000 000-1 100 000
Indonesia	77 000	...	300 000-500 000
Jamaica	140	±5	1 200
Kenya	>50	±10	30 000-40 000
Madagascar	83	...	5 000-20 000
Malaysia	83	-	4 600
Mali	...	...	100 000
Mexico	2 000	±50	20 000-40 000
Morocco	...	...	5 000-10 000
Mozambique	150	±95	700-100 000
Myanmar	50-120	±5	14 000
Namibia	20	±15	5 000-10 000
Nepal	45	±5	500
Nicaragua	...	...	3 000-6 000
Nigeria	...	...	10 000-20 000
Niger	150	>95	440 000
Pakistan	2 400-3 250	5-20	90 000-370 000
Panama	...	...	3 000-4 500
Papua New Guinea	...	...	15 000-20 000
Peru	1 550	±50	25 000-50 000
Philippines	700	±80	200 000
Rwanda	...	...	5 000-15 000
Senegal	...	...	3 000
Sierra Leone	...	...	30 000-40 000
South Africa	5 500	...	10 000
Suriname	...	...	15 000-20 000
United Republic of Tanzania	4 000	40-50	450 000-600 000
Thailand	500-950	±5	21 500
Uganda	...	...	5 000-10 000
Venezuela	...	...	30 000-40 000
Viet Nam	500-600	±30	35 000-45 000
Zambia	200	±15	20 000-30 000
Zimbabwe	2 000-5 000	±30	50 000-350 000
Sources: Various, including answers to questionnaire, ILO, technical journals, United Nations agencies, World Bank.

The extent of illegal mining is often linked to difficulties in obtaining permits. Some small-scale mines, however, while "technically" illegal (having no permit), may be operating in a satisfactory manner as far as working conditions and occupational health and safety are concerned. Nonetheless, as long as they are illegal there can be no official control over their activities. But -- as can be seen later in the report -- serious problems as regards health and safety, the environment, hygiene, and working conditions, including child labour, are widespread. Many of them flourish precisely because the mines are so often outside the law, but unfortunately many legal small-scale mines also flout regulations and are not penalized.

In 1993 it was estimated that about 6 million of the world's 30 million mineworkers were engaged in small-scale mining.⁽³⁾ This figure has been widely quoted since then and it was not until more recently that higher estimates of employment in small-scale mining appeared. Table 1.1 shows employment in small-scale mining in 55 developing countries, among which are most of the "major" small-scale mining countries. Where a range of figures is given, it reflects an element of uncertainty because of the lack of data, the extent of illegal mining in some countries and the fact that small-scale mining is often carried out on a seasonal basis, leading to wide fluctuations in employment. Total employment in small-scale mining in these 55 developing countries ranges between 8.25 million and 10.1 million. For 25 African countries employment is 1.6-2.6 million; for ten Asia-Pacific countries it is 6.0-6.6 million; and for 18 Latin American countries it is 0.64-1.0 million.

Extrapolations of limited data can be risky but, taking into account the fact that most of the major small-scale mining countries are included in the table, it can be assumed that 11.5-13 million people worldwide are engaged in small-scale mining. Since twice as many respondents to the questionnaire felt that employment in small-scale mining was increasing rather than decreasing, this number is likely to grow. A regional breakdown is more difficult to gauge. However, figure 1.1 provides an estimate of small-scale mining employment in different regions extrapolated from the data in table 1.1.

With a global workforce of up to 13 million and rising, the number of people who depend on small-scale mining for their livelihood, bearing in mind extended families in many developing countries and a small multiplier effect, could be 80-100 million. This is about the same as the number of people who depend on large-scale mining. A major difference between the small and large mining sectors, however, is that many jobs in small-scale mining are precarious, to say the least, and are far from conforming to international labour standards.

In view of the extent of small-scale mining there is plenty of incentive for ensuring that it contributes fully to economic and social development, particularly at the local level. Small-scale mining can generate substantial local purchasing power and lead to a demand for locally sourced inputs (food, equipment, tools, housing) when they are available, or encourage their production. At the national level, the export of high-value metals and minerals from small-scale mines can make a major contribution to foreign exchange earnings. Gold and gemstones worth $1 billion a year are estimated to be produced in sub-Saharan Africa.⁽⁴⁾ In China, gold production from small-scale mining is currently worth about $200 million a year; in Bolivia and Brazil about $180 million (much less than in the heydays of the garimpeiros in the late 1980s); $140 million in Indonesia; and about $250 million in Peru. In countries where sales are not transparent and smuggling is rife, much of the benefits to the government are lost. There are plenty of examples of large increases or decreases in statistics of official exports of product from small-scale mines when changes have been made to purchasing arrangements, even though physical production has not changed much. Even when the product can freely be sold at the prevailing market price -- as is the case in most of the 35 developing countries that answered the questionnaire -- it often passes through several hands at discounted prices before reaching the formal "market price" buyer. In some countries the small-scale miners themselves receive as little as half the value of their production, although some accept this in order to ensure a regular cash flow from small amounts of production. When market prices are not received, this can be due to local prices being set by government, to there being a single buyer (e.g. a cement plant), or to the poor quality of the product. Quality is also an issue in the trading of gemstones. If, as is sometimes the case, payment is based solely on weight, small-scale miners are likely to be disadvantaged. Proof or suspicion of being cheated will quickly lead to a parallel market, particularly in larger stones. Governments have to find a path between paying the full market price at a single centre with expert quality control and making the selling process convenient for the miner by enabling decentralized sales close to the mines, at a cost. Several countries have a system of licensed buyers who visit mines and buy small amounts of product for rather less than the official buying price, consolidate it and resell it at the official price. Provided that there are sufficient licensed agents competition between them should prevent the price they pay from being so low that it leads to black market transactions.

Illicit marketing is primarily the result of inadequate government policies. When official prices are too low, black markets develop. Also, an overvalued currency and high inflation depress the effective price. The traditional strong ties established by traders (legitimate and illegal) through the pre-financing of small-scale mining operations is another means that can prevent the miner from obtaining the full value of production.

More governments are steadily trying to reconcile the important direct and indirect economic benefits of large-scale mining at the local and national levels with the needs of the small-scale mining community. Small-scale mines are often the reason the large company arrived on the scene in the first place. Unfortunately, the direct benefits of large mines often do not flow back to the community; they are garnered by the national exchequer and disbursed according to national priorities. This is not to understate the importance of the infrastructure provided by large mines -- such as improvements to schools, health clinics, roads and housing, employing local labour, allowing access to the mine's hospital, and making regular purchases from local enterprises -- but these might well bypass small-scale miners and even lead to price increases in the community to their disadvantage.

In its questionnaire, the Office listed 15 issues that affect small-scale mining and asked respondents to nominate the three most important, state their reasons and suggest what should be done to improve matters. Figure 1.2 shows a breakdown of the 242 "nominations" (the issue of discrimination did not receive any).

The overriding single concern is access to finance. Taken together with the difficulties in obtaining equipment to which it is closely related, financial issues account for 28 per cent of the total. Labour issues, however (training, health, safety, working conditions, child labour, job security), accounted for 34 per cent of the total; more -- 58 per cent -- if the related issues of technical assistance and the environment are included.

The low priority given to the issue of child labour (2 per cent) might seem surprising, but it reflects the rank of the problem rather than whether or not it exists. The respondents seem to consider that until other issues (particularly access to finance and obtaining permits) are adequately dealt with, much small-scale mining will be unable to operate in a way that will lead to the elimination of child labour. Once small-scale mining is on a satisfactory footing the "need" for child labour will decline. Hence the need for the considerable external assistance that is being provided to accelerate the removal of children from small-scale mines (Chapters 4 and 7).

Access to credit was the major issue cited by respondents to the questionnaire. The lack of capital is an obstacle to mechanization and improving efficiency. These in turn lead to low productivity, low revenues and, where they are paid, low wages. As a result, miners tend to ignore health, safety and environmental measures. Mine owners and mineworkers generally have few if any assets that banks and other lending institutions will accept as collateral. It is not until they start producing something saleable that they can get credit. Obstacles to obtaining formal credit can be overcome if governments recognize mining claims and issue mining rights that can be freely traded, sold or pledged as collateral. This point has been raised time and again at international forums and underpins the establishment of a sustainable infrastructure for small-scale mining. Even when mining rights exist, however, banks are not readily prepared to take them as security because of the geological risk of unmined reserves, the mobility of many small-scale miners and the widespread lack of enforcement of laws and regulations. Moreover, banks traditionally require borrowers to provide some equity from their own resources (15-25 per cent is typical), which can be a formidable task for many small-scale miners who then find themselves caught in a vicious circle:

Since even a modest investment in tools and equipment can improve productivity and resource utilization and result in more revenue to all concerned, it is in everyone's interest to break this circle, create self-sustaining financing mechanisms and provide access to credit for small-scale miners.

Special finance programmes for small-scale mining were reported in 15 countries. They included tax concessions (in five countries) and the waiving of import duty on equipment. The latter is unlikely to be of much benefit in view of the low level of mechanization of most small-scale mines, while the former, depending on the arrangements, could be an inhibiting factor to expansion -- for example, if a marginal increase in production led to a cessation of tax concessions. Alternatively, it might merely lead to the under-reporting of production, with consequential losses in government revenue. Ten countries (Burkina Faso, Chile, Ecuador, Ghana, Mexico, Mozambique, Namibia, Pakistan, South Africa and Zimbabwe) reported the existence of loan guarantees, credit schemes (some from specific mineral development funds), equipment leasing and/or hire purchase arrangements to assist small-scale mining.

Most small-scale mining, however, is self-financed, using savings or raising capital through the sale of assets. Private credit arrangements include loans from family and friends, from concession holders, from equipment suppliers or from traders. Starting up is the main problem (as in any business) and there is a high risk of being bonded in debt when starting and initial operating expenses are underwritten by the claim owner.

When purchasing arrangements are transparent and efficient, it should be possible for their "operating cost" to include an element that could be used to finance small-scale mining operations. Since many miners currently only receive 50 per cent of the value of production, if they could sell it for about 80-85 per cent (even small amounts) they would be better off and the agency concerned would have a revolving fund for loans -- creating a virtuous circle instead of the vicious circle being perpetuated.

Further discussion of credit and finance is beyond the scope of this report but access to credit is the key to enabling sustainable small-scale mining and hence enabling efforts to focus on addressing the many labour and social issues that accompany it.

Few small-scale mineworkers have any formal mining skills -- less than 10 per cent in most countries (typically about 5 per cent). Those that do obtained them during their former jobs as miners in large mines. That is not to say that many small-scale mineworkers are not very experienced, having benefited from on-the-job training in large mines before turning to small-scale mining following redundancy. Other small-scale miners pick up skills from these experienced workers. Formal or semi-formal training is sometimes provided to small-scale miners by mines inspectorates or ministries of mines, by national vocational training institutions, by large mining companies in one or two cases, or as part of development assistance projects. For the most part, however, opportunities for training are few and far between. Even when they are available, many small-scale miners cannot afford to take time off work for training or to travel to training sessions. The need for mobile training facilities was cited as an important contribution to assisting small-scale mining that development agencies could make (Chapter 7). Several trade unions have expressed a willingness to assist in training small-scale miners, provided they are given the resources to do so.

Most of the external assistance that is directed at small-scale mining includes a training element, specifically in increasing the capacity of officials in minerals commissions or mines inspectorates to provide training (e.g. in the use of mercury retorts, explosives, mine rescue, simple chemical analysis) to small-scale miners and to active owners and managers. Although training opportunities are theoretically available to small-scale miners, encouraging them to take part is another matter. The linking of training to different aspects of small-scale mining, from the granting of permits to the purchase and use of explosives and mercury, might work if it were carefully packaged. Too heavy an approach would merely lead small-scale miners to move out of the sphere of official supervision. Also, training in more than the technical aspects of mining is required, including business management and marketing. Technical problems are easy to solve, whereas creating a lasting, sound human and organizational environment is more difficult. Training can play an important role in achieving this.

In half the countries that responded to the questionnaire a proportion of small-scale mineworkers belonged to trade unions, or were members of a cooperative or small-scale mining association (100 per cent in Cuba, Malaysia, Viet Nam). One or more small-scale mining associations exist in 22 of the countries that replied. In Bolivia, which has a strong cooperative movement, 70-90 per cent of small-scale miners were estimated to be members. Elsewhere in Latin America, Chile and Dominica were the only respondents to note a high degree of union membership (75 per cent and 60 per cent respectively). In Pakistan, where much of the coal is produced in small-scale mines, the extent of union membership varies among regions (30-60 per cent). In China hardly any of the more than 4 million small-scale miners were reported as belonging to a trade union. As might be expected, the extent of trade union membership is linked to the number of informal mines and the proportion of the workforce that is estimated to be in the informal sector. In half of the countries that responded to the questionnaire, 50-100 per cent of those engaged in small-scale mining worked in the informal sector, with no union membership. Even where small-scale mineworkers might want to join a union, the sparse resources of the union itself often make it impossible to organize small groups of widely dispersed workers. Helping miners' organizations to deliver training could be a quick, effective way of strengthening these organizations and linking them more closely with small-scale miners and with mines inspectorates and mining commissions. Some unions have expressed the wish to help small-scale miners, even without organizing them. If they had the resources they would be well placed to provide training in many aspects of small-scale mining.

At the macro-level small-scale mining has rarely achieved its full potential. The much vaunted ability of small-scale miners to find deposits, particularly of high value minerals, is one thing; the knowledge, ability and will to exploit them fully are another. Output and productivity from small-scale mines are lower than they could be. Returns to the economy are certainly less than if effective tax, purchase, pricing and foreign exchange regimes were in place and implemented. Unattractive or unworkable schemes lead quickly to illegality and smuggling. When the central bank's monopoly on purchases has been abolished and licensed dealers allowed to trade freely, official exports have risen dramatically. Cash flows from small-scale mining operations more quickly than from large operations, with all of the surplus spent locally.

At the micro-level small-scale mining has generally fared better. Mining company operations have sometimes coexisted with small-scale mining, giving them assistance and thereby having an influence on their activities (Chapter 6). Others, however, have sought to stamp out small-scale mining that might affect them. NGOs have worked hard and effectively at the local level to introduce appropriate technologies to improve efficiency and mitigate the environmental and health impact of small-scale mining. IGOs have now passed the stage of undertaking studies and developing guidelines and are increasingly funding large and varied programmes. These include child labour, taxation and land title reform, environmental impact and the role of women and indigenous peoples, but there is little coordination between the agencies (Chapter 7). Moreover, for any external assistance to be successful the active support and participation of governments is needed, but in many countries small-scale mining remains low on the government's list of priorities.

Unfortunately, despite considerable efforts, there seems to be limited interest among many small-scale miners in using cheap, readily available and effective technology, such as retorts to capture mercury, particularly when there is no economic incentive for them to do so and when other benefits (such as health and environment) are hidden or long term. Moreover, particularly in the case of itinerant miners, there is frequently no long-term interest in preserving the land for use after mining has ceased.

Governments have typically intervened in small-scale mining: to improve revenue flows; on behalf of indigenous people; following a disaster in order to improve safety and health; or at the request of large mining and exploration companies. Specific policies for small-scale mining that cover its development and operation, sometimes including labour issues, are slowly being developed, together with legislation (Chapter 5). But many small-scale mines are still outside the coverage of mining laws. Even where there are regulations, the overwhelming problem facing governments in attempting to regulate small-scale mining is the lack of a trained inspectorate with adequate resources. The result has been an inability to introduce controls or a failure to follow-up or monitor mining operations, so that problems have not been dealt with at an early stage and projects to improve matters have foundered. The result has been the continuation of unsatisfactory practices.

The geographically scattered nature of small-scale mining, its rapid rise during "gold rushes", the lack of resources in mines inspectorates, and a desire to avoid drawing attention to illegal or quasi-legal mining have perpetuated the lack of information on what is increasingly an activity of considerable economic importance and the only way out of poverty for many people. The fact that small-scale mines are generally outside the scope of activities of employers' and workers' organizations -- which in the large, formal sector have rights, obligations and an influence on mining operations -- means that the State has had to shoulder all the responsibilities for managing small-scale mining. As it is rarely equipped for this task, in many cases it has not been able to do so. Hence the need for external assistance to bolster the size and technical competence of mining inspectorates and to move small-scale mining into the formal sector.

The unregulated or underhand way in which much small-scale mining is carried out means that governments are missing out on much-needed revenue. Moreover, in the long term, the inefficient development of mineral reserves that is an inevitable part of much small-scale mining results in forgoing considerable future sources of revenue. Mineworkers themselves often lack the basic skills, training and supervision to make their work safer, healthier and more productive. Tales of the exploitation of small-scale miners are legion. Moreover, entrepreneurs and managers of small-scale mining enterprises often lack the necessary business knowledge, even though they might be competent miners.

A major disadvantage of much small-scale mining is the low throughput of material despite arduous physical labour. Measures to improve working conditions and output need to focus on the quality of work in small-scale mining rather than the quantity. Any increase in the quality of human input will be more than matched by increases in the quantity, quality and value of output from more efficient production and higher value added at the primary processing stage prior to sale.

Assistance to small-scale miners should demonstrate that, without unduly constraining their activities, there might be a better way -- better in terms of health and wealth, better for the land, and better for the country. Unless small-scale miners can be convinced there will be immediate tangible benefits from doing things differently, there is little point in continuing down the same old path.⁽⁶⁾ The way forward is to bring small-scale mining into the formal sector without stifling entrepreneurial zeal but at the same time improving the lot of the 13 million or so who work in small-scale mining and the much large number -- 80-100 million -- who depend on it for some or all of their livelihood. If this can be achieved, small-scale mining will be a success.

1. N.S. Jennings: "Small-scale mining in developing countries: Addressing labour and social issues", in Guidelines for the development of small/medium-scale mining (New York, United Nations, 1993), pp. 90-97.

4. R. Noetstaller: "Historical perspective and key issues of artisanal mining", paper presented at International Round Table on Artisanal Mining, Washington, DC, May 1995.

5. World Bank: Artisanal Mining Round Table: Issues for discussion, background paper for the World Bank International Round Table on Artisanal Mining, Washington, DC, May 1995.

6. N.S. Jennings: "Small-scale mining: Time for deeds not words", in A.K. Ghose (ed.): Small/medium scale mining: A global perspective (New Delhi, Oxford & IBH Publishing Co., 1997), pp. 9-16.

Small-scale mining is an important part of the social and economic infrastructure in many developing countries and should be accorded sufficient attention to ensure its continued contribution to local and national well-being. This contribution will not be fully realized until more attention is paid to improving the occupational health and safety of mineworkers and their communities. In several countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America, the small-scale production of gold and gemstones ranks in the top five of national production, yet small-scale mining is largely ignored as far as safety, health and the environment are concerned. Indeed, prevention measures for accidents or occupational safety, if they exist, are minimal and rarely enforced.

Small-scale mining has a poor reputation for safety, but there is little data to support or rebut claims that it is inherently unsafe with high levels of fatal and disabling accidents. Rather, problems relating to occupational health are more serious and pervasive, touching all who work in and around small-scale mining and processing operations, and their families.

As with most aspects of small-scale mining, occupational safety and health and environmental issues at the mine, at the processing plant and in the community are closely linked. Because the same people are often involved in both small-scale mining and processing, safety and health issues in these two parts of the mineral production process will be discussed together. Overshadowing them both, however, is the question of community health in the vicinity of small-scale mines, the poor state of which is frequently directly linked to the mining and processing activities. It is not possible to do other than highlight here this important issue as part of the overall social fabric of regions that are affected by small-scale mining.

It is widely acknowledged that accidents in small-scale mines are under-reported or not reported at all. Illegal operations have no wish to draw attention to themselves and the fact there is frequently no form of compensation or social security provision for injury and even for death can mean that reporting an accident will merely lead to unwanted administrative, legal and operational problems. Anecdote, observation and news of the occasional disaster in the media throw some light on the situation, but not much.

A combination of lack of resources, lack of or non-application of safety regulations, lack of awareness, illiteracy, lack of training, inadequate equipment and remote location all point to the likelihood of there being more accidents in many small-scale mining operations than in larger, more formal, more public mines. On the other hand, the nature of small-scale mining (low level of mechanization, low intensity of operation) means that some of the risks can be lower than in large, formal mines. Be that as it may, many fatal and disabling accidents do occur in small-scale mines and, as elsewhere, can be considered to be preventable.

Underground and surface mines have different hazards and degrees of risk, with underground coalmines at the forefront in view of the risk of fire or explosion arising from the ignition of methane and/or coal dust. Data from the questionnaire show that the three countries with the highest number of small-scale underground coalmines (China, India, Pakistan) have significantly higher numbers of fatal accidents, even when the size of the workforce is taken into account, than is the case in non-coalmines. In China over 6,000 fatalities are estimated to occur in small-scale mines each year. In Hunan Province, where 25 million tonnes of coal a year are produced in 5,220 small-scale mines employing 200,000 workers, there were 232 deaths in 1997; 70 per cent of these deaths were due to gas or coal dust explosions. At this fatality rate (9.1 per million tonnes of coal mined in 1997) 4,500-5,000 fatalities in China's small-scale coalmines would occur each year. In India 50 or more deaths in small-scale mines are estimated to occur each year. In Pakistan there are 45-90 fatalities in the country's small-scale coalmines. Information from other countries that do not have a significant small-scale coal-mining sector indicates over 30 deaths a year in a very few cases; over 20 in some; with many reporting fewer than ten (table 2.1).

Table 2.1. Annual fatalities in small-scale mines in 23 developing countries


Bolivia		>40
Chile		10-24
China		>6 000
Cuba		±1
Dominica		±1
Ghana		5->20
Guinea		±15
Guyana		±2
India		15-50
Kenya		±5
Malaysia		±2
Mexico		5-18
Myanmar		0-5
Namibia		±3
Nepal		1-3
Niger		0-27
Pakistan		45-90
Peru		±7
South Africa		±10
United Republic of Tanzania		10-100
Thailand		‹10
Zambia		5-7
Zimbabwe		10-30
Source: Replies to the questionnaire.

In some cases the numbers are inflated by disasters, such as those in the United Republic of Tanzania (70 killed in flooding in 1998; 100 in 1997), Niger (27 killed in flooding in 1998) and Bolivia (100 killed a landslide caused by rain in 1992). Table 2.2 shows some small-scale mining disasters that were deemed newsworthy in 1992-98.

Responses to a question seeking the main reasons that accidents in small-scale mines occurred were varied, but could be grouped under two broad categories -- management/operation-related; and equipment/work-environment-related (table 2.3). In many cases the fact that the nearest source of first aid can be 10-20 km away, often over difficult terrain, and the nearest hospital with facilities for dealing with serious injuries can be 100 km or more away, lessens the chances of quick recovery, or even survival.

Table 2.2. Selected small-scale mining disasters, 1992-98


Year	Country	Deaths	Cause

1992	Bolivia	>100	Landslide after rain
1993	Colombia	18	Explosion (dynamite)
1994	China	51	Flash flood/landslide
1994	China	10	Landslide
1995	China	16	Inundation by water
1995	China	21	Gas explosion
1995	Nigeria	>80	Landslide
1996	China	91	Gas explosion
1996	China	84	Gas explosion
1996	China	227	Gas explosion
1996	China	9	Gas explosion
1996	China	14	Flooding after dynamite explosion
1996	Colombia	8	Elevator fall
1996	Peru	>14	Earthquake
1997	China	86	Gas explosion
1997	United Republic of Tanzania	>100	Flooding
1998	China	>30	Explosion
1998	Colombia	12	Cave-in
1998	Colombia	±100	Mudslide after rain
1998	Niger	27	Flooding
1998	United Republic of Tanzania	>70	Flooding
Sources: Various, including Mining Journal, BBC radio, news agencies.

Table 2.3. Major reasons for accidents in small-scale mines


Management/operation	Equipment/work environment

Lack of awareness of safety	Rock falls; cave-ins; subsidence
Violation of regulations	Misuse of explosives
Negligence	Lack of ventilation
Lack of inspection	Unprotected equipment
Ignorance and lack of training	Poor access/exit
Poor management/supervision	Obsolete equipment
Anarchic exploitation of resources	Lack of maintenance
Over-exertion	Improper use of equipment
Substance abuse	Lack of or failure to use personal protective equipment
Lack of regulations	Poor working conditions and work practices
Source: Replies to the questionnaire.

Two closely linked factors stand out -- human and financial. Even if attitudes towards improving mine safety can be improved and those concerned motivated to take and sustain action to achieve a lasting improvement, the resources necessary to achieve the results are too often lacking. Human factors, such as superstition, cannot be underestimated. In the United Republic of Tanzania, for example, the spiritual notion of the earth needing a sacrifice in return for giving up its treasures means that a fatal accident presages increased mining activity in the belief that the gods have been appeased. Clearly, for accident prevention to succeed, neither the worker nor the conditions of work can be considered in isolation.

Inadequate, inappropriate or unsafe equipment are real problems in many small-scale mines, including in some cases equipment provided as part of technical cooperation programmes. Such equipment leads to increased risk as workers try to adapt it to their needs.

For example, in a federation of tin mining cooperatives in Bolivia, where about 4,000 miners work in a former mine of the Corporación Minera de Bolivia (COMIBOL), there are reportedly an average of three fatalities and 10-15 other accidents each month -- equivalent to almost 1 per cent of the workforce being killed each year. Wage-earning miners unable to work due to injury or injury receive no sick pay. When a miner is killed, the members of the cooperative collect money for the funeral, and that is that. Members themselves, however, do have some benefits, being able to send someone to work on their behalf in return for payment in cash or kind. On the other hand, the members of a Bolivian gold-mining cooperative contribute to the government social security scheme and receive benefits if they are unable to work. Wage workers, however, receive no pay if they are not working. The 26 cooperative members and 18 wage workers at this underground mine had recorded no fatal accidents in its ten years of operation; other accidents were said to be "few and minor".

A typical gold mine in Zimbabwe is a shallow underground operation in stable rock. No machinery is used, apart from the occasional use of a leased compressor and pneumatic drill. The mine has no shaft, uses explosives intermittently, is fairly well ventilated and has no electricity. Its workers are therefore less exposed to most of the hazards that are common in larger mines. Nonetheless, small-scale mining in Zimbabwe has a well-established reputation for a disproportionately high number of fatalities. These are mainly caused by miners re-entering closed mines illegally to win gold from the pillars, and from alluvial miners burrowing into uncompacted river banks.⁽¹⁾

Many small-scale mines are supervised and managed by local government or by decentralized arms of central administrations. It is therefore important to define clearly the distribution of management duties between different government agencies for planning and coordination purposes. If not, a complete lack of safety management will result. Safety inspection is weak and the quantity and quality of safety inspectors are insufficient in view of the nature of the task and the number and wide dispersion of small-scale mines. Even when inspections are made, focus is often more on verifying production to ensure royalty payments are correctly calculated and collected than on safety and health. Having different agencies responsible for safety and health, production permits, working and living conditions, and migrant workers inevitably means that responsibility and action can be pushed from one part of the bureaucracy to another.

Many small-scale coalmines in Hunan Province in China are badly designed, with outdated mining techniques and a lack of safety equipment.⁽²⁾ About half do not comply with the basic mining safety standards and some illegal mines have a single shaft. Gas explosions, coal outbursts and gas blow-outs cause about 70 per cent of the many fatalities (between 232 and 411 each year in 1990-97). The overwhelming majority of mineworkers are peasants with at most a basic education. They normally receive no formal training and lack the knowledge and skills to prevent accidents occurring and to deal with them when they do occur. In 1998 this lack of knowledge and insufficient gas detection equipment in Hunan led to the death of five people trying to rescue others after a fire.

In some countries, however, notably in Latin America and parts of Africa, many small-scale miners have worked in the formal mining sector, turning to small-scale mining after losing their jobs. On the other hand, many owners and managers of small-scale mines who are not miners themselves are unfamiliar with safety regulations; some are reported as ignoring them in search of greater profit. Illegal miners often make inroads into the territory of adjacent larger mines, including for example in Hunan where the removal of supports and coal pillars has sometimes had disastrous results.

Self-employed miners in the smallest underground mines typically work in unsupported tunnels drilling and removing rock with hand tools and loading the ore into small sacks which are carried to the surface. Over-exertion, cave-ins, perpetual dampness and lack of ventilation are the major hazards. The close proximity of the shafts and tunnels to one another -- sometimes only about 3 metres -- increases the risk of subsidence or a cave-in.

Work in larger, more organized -- but still small-scale -- mines is similar. The exploitation of different galleries in an old large gold mine in Ecuador is carried out by wage earners having specific tasks. The highest ranked is the driller who prepares the shot holes. Access to galleries up to 50 metres high is by rope and the risk of falling is considerable. Pneumatic drills, occasionally with water sprays to dampen dust, are used. The lack of masks or gloves means that the effects of dust, noise, vibration and oil leaks are not mitigated. Heat, humidity and cramped conditions make work more difficult. The safety risks facing these workers are similar to those in surface mines who drill while suspended from ropes, but the health risks are greater because of the confined space. Many small-scale surface mines in Thailand, for example, do not have benches cut to facilitate the drilling and extraction of ore by limiting the height of the vertical face. The reasons are largely economic -- many of the mines are exploiting reserves in a narrow, steep location that makes benching difficult and costly. It is far "easier" to have a number of workers, each suspended by a rope from the top of the cliff, drill the holes with pneumatic drills then place and link up the explosives. The drillers then climb back up the cliff face, the explosives are detonated and the ore falls to the foot of the cliff to be gathered by a front-end loader and transported by truck for processing. The workers who carry out this highly dangerous work are either employees of the mine or contractors. Whatever their employment status, they are almost all illegal migrant workers who are prepared to undertake this potentially dangerous work. This practice persists despite regular inspections by government officials. Elsewhere, following blasting in underground mines, ore is loaded into sacks which are carried to the surface on workers' backs or, where the terrain is flat, in hand carts. Dynamite charges are prepared and used in a casual manner whether or not their use is allowed.

Apart from humidity and heat, all underground workers are exposed to post-explosion nitrous gases and dust. Forced ventilation is almost non-existent. Moreover, the safe practice of not re-entering the mine workings until all the gases have dispersed is seldom respected. Indeed, it is not unknown for one group to detonate while another is still working elsewhere in the mine, due to a lack of coordination between competing groups. The resulting inhalation of noxious gases can lead to respiratory irritations and even pulmonary oedema or asphyxiation. The risk is aggravated by the lack of ventilation and the fact that masks are not used.

There is usually no collective or individual safety protection apart from that bought by the workers themselves. The majority of workers wear shorts, trainers and, sometimes, a shirt; helmets are occasionally worn; hardly anyone uses earplugs, mask or gloves; and there are no safety procedures for work in high or confined places. Liquid replacement is by drinking abundant quantities of water of dubious quality, without sugar or electrolytes. Few mines provide adequate latrines or showers; most provide only a tap where workers can partially clean themselves; some must make do with a stream. There are seldom separate areas for eating during the 30-60 minute midday break in an eight to ten hour shift. After working a shift of this nature, workers often complain of headaches, dizziness, bone or muscle pain and the discomfort of being wet almost the whole day. Many have skin lesions on their hands and feet.

If data on accidents in small-scale mines are deficient, they are for the most part completely absent as far as occupational health is concerned. Screening and disease prevention programmes are rare or non-existent.

The five major health risks in small-scale mining and processing that were highlighted in answers to the questionnaire are:

In addition, many respondents highlighted the importance of community health. Problems such as poor sanitation and lack of clean water, malaria, typhoid, dysentery, tuberculosis, sexually transmitted diseases (including AIDS), malnutrition and substance abuse are commonplace. They increase quickly, sometimes to epidemic proportions, when small-scale miners flood to a new region setting up makeshift dwellings and operations.

Small-scale mine shafts in Africa are commonly not lined, whereas in Latin America many have a wooden lining. Access to the narrow (less than 1.5 metres in diameter) tunnel where ore is extracted is by climbing down the shaft (up to 90 metres deep), using hand and footholds cut into the earth or rock wall, or attached to the wooden lining, or by hanging onto a rope using a manual or motor-driven winch. Bags of ore are hauled up. Artificial ventilation is sometimes provided, using electric fans or diesel-driven compressors. The working tunnels are also used to store sterile material to avoid having to haul too much material to the surface, making movement back and forth very difficult, particularly in an emergency. Larger mines with several working levels typically have fixed wooden ladders to move from one level to the next. They are often slippery and loose. If there is any electric light, it is usually close to the entry. Where electricity is not available, working light is provided by a torch attached to the miner's helmet or head by a rubber band or, in Latin America, by carbide lamps or, occasionally, by battery-operated mining lamps. In some small-scale mines (e.g. in the United Republic of Tanzania) naked lights are not allowed underground. Used torch batteries are a significant part of the debris found in and around mine entries.

Few if any small mines have facilities for delivering medical care. Some have rudimentary first-aid kits, typically containing a few analgesics, plasters, bandages and sometimes anti-malaria drugs. Miners invariably depend on public health services, which are often far away. Illegal miners are in a difficult position since attending a public hospital could trigger an enquiry into the mining activity. Private doctors have been known to ask no questions. But many injuries and illnesses are not treated until they become life-threatening. The hospital at a large gold mine in Ghana, which is also used by the community outside the mine, has considerable evidence of widespread silicosis in men, women and children as young as 14 who are engaged in small-scale mining. These are the people who crush gold-bearing ore in their villages using a pestle and mortar, activities that are generally carried out fully or partially under cover. No dust masks are used and the amount of effort required means that the people are breathing deeply, inhaling respirable dust to the maximum on a regular basis.

Apart from workers in government-owned or controlled mines there is no regular health screening of small-scale miners, and attendance at hospitals and clinics generally only follows serious injury or illness. As small-scale mining becomes covered by specific legislation and regulations, and as donor agencies contribute more to small-scale mining development, training in occupational safety and health is slowly being introduced. The ILO has set up a safety training centre in China for small-scale coalmines and has trained and equipped mine rescue crews for small-scale mines in Pakistan. The World Bank and other agencies are now including safety and health in the scope of their development assistance projects. Some large mining companies are taking small-scale mines under their wing, giving safety and health advice and assistance and ensuring a rescue service if necessary (Chapter 6). Enlisting the services of existing schools of mines in universities could be an effective way to develop and deliver safety and health training for small-scale mineworkers.

The frequency of mining accidents is low compared with the health hazards and sickness in mining communities, which are commonly overcrowded, poorly ventilated makeshift huts with a lack of adequate sanitation facilities. Water for domestic use is the same as that for mineral processing. Where crushing and grinding are carried out within living quarters, large amounts of respirable dust are released into the compound. Ignorance of the risks and dangers of silicosis is widespread. Protective equipment, in both mineral extraction and beneficiation, is non-existent. Miners have cuts from rocks due to lack of safety boots and gloves; some work under hanging roofs of open stopes without any safety helmets. Pneumatic drills are commonly used without any water for dust suppression, and operators do not wear ear protection. Crushing and grinding are all dry processes and the risks are greater because much of the gold is contained in ore with a high silica content.

The processing of mined ore entails a combination of some or all of the following steps: hand picking of high-grade ore (this often starts in the cramped, hazardous underground workplace with the separation of ore-bearing rock from the surrounding sterile rock and with large rocks being often broken up by hammers to reduce the amount to be transported to the surface in sacks); transport from mine to processing site; various size reduction steps (crushing, milling, grinding); separation by sieving; concentration of mineral (physical and/or chemical); separation of mineral from inert waste (physical and/or chemical); smelting to produce a mix of metals; refining to produce pure metal. Some of the processes are carried out more than once, sometimes by different groups of people who buy product or waste (tailings) at different stages of the process. The processing of non-metallic minerals from small-scale mines, such as coal, limestone and gemstones, is largely a dry, physical process that relies on classification by size and observation. The major stages are transport, size reduction, sorting and, depending on the final product, packing it into sacks before loading it onto trucks, or loading it in bulk, for final dispatch. Crushing and milling processes are notoriously hazardous because of the unprotected machinery, noise and vibration. Workers who participate in wet processes, such as sluicing and collecting concentrate, have their hands and feet permanently wet and a high degree of skin maceration and cuts are evident; waterproof boots or gloves are rarely used.

The main hazards in such processing operations are linked to the use of tools and machinery (such as crushing equipment, mechanical sieves and conveyor belts), as well as strains and sprains from over-exertion and slips and falls. Unguarded machinery and practices such as hand sorting while sitting adjacent to inclined, elevated, moving conveyor belts increase the likelihood of accidents. In plants where women and men fill sacks with powdered limestone, load them onto trolleys and transport them to waiting trucks, or carry the sacks on their backs, the dust is pervasive. Sometimes scarves or dust masks are worn, often not. In India it is common for women and sometimes teenage girls to carry on their head baskets of clay or stones that weigh 25-30 kg, sometimes up slippery inclines, and tip the contents into crushers, hoppers, or onto a stockpile. The repeated lifting and carrying of sacks or baskets of material are precursors to lower back problems, aggravated by poor posture during mining in confined spaces, panning and amalgamating.

Once heat, liquids and chemicals become part of mineral processing, hazards and the risk of accidents increase markedly, particularly burns (from chemicals or heat) and scalds (from hot liquids).

For example, small-scale gold processing plants in several countries operate 12-24 hours a day, all year round. Workers complain of irritability, sleeping disorders and loss of appetite; a few mention domestic problems. The plants' caretakers are particularly vulnerable. They clean and prepare the mills, transport the cyanide containers and empty the tailings pools. Occasionally they participate in amalgamating, burning, smelting and refining. Their homes are their place of work and they live in the midst of activities that never cease, sharing these conditions with their families.

The following gold production and processing activities observed in Latin America illustrate some of the occupational health and safety risks and hazards. Concentrated gold-bearing material is amalgamated with mercury. Workers, at times youths and children, grind a mixture of mercury and the mineral on a copper plate with a stone. The objective is to free the gold and silver from other minerals that prevent amalgamation. They continue until a ball of mercury and metals, including gold and silver, is obtained. There is little evidence of protective clothing being used to guard against the effects of mercury or chemicals. Only when it is essential, such as when handling molten metal, is protective clothing seen.

The extraction of gold from mill and amalgamation tailings involves the use of lime, sodium cyanide, nitric acid and heat. Large tanks are filled and emptied by hand. Rudimentary chemical analysis during the various stages means that, as with mercury, far greater amounts of chemicals are used than are necessary, affecting both workers (fumes and direct contact) and the environment (highly contaminated waste material). Also, it is often thought that "more is better". Excess chemicals and poor process control can also lead to side reactions that create toxic by-products, such as sulphuric and hydrocyanic acids.

Gold is recovered from the cyanide solution by precipitation in electrolytic cells, with the precipitate being heated to produce a grey calcined dust which, in turn, is heated to about 750C, when everything melts. As the molten mixture cools, the impurities rise to the top and the precious metals, together with some lead, copper and zinc remain at the bottom of the crucible. This gold doré contains up to 50 per cent of gold. During these processes a minimum of precautions against the heat have to be taken but few efforts are made to extract smoke during smelting.

The final stage is the refining of the gold doré to separate the gold and silver from the other metals. This is achieved by using heat and nitric acid to dissolve all the metals but gold. Salt is added to the solute to precipitate the silver. Nitric acid is handled without gloves and the nitrous vapours that are emitted are extremely corrosive to human tissue. All the partners tend to participate in these final stages to protect their interests, and are thus all exposed to these hazards. The only protection used is a damp handkerchief placed over nose and mouth, or by keeping upwind. The gold and the silver precipitates are smelted separately by blowtorch to obtain nuggets containing 90 per cent gold and others containing 70 per cent silver. The other metals are discarded as waste.

Whether the effects of silica dust or mercury are more significant in small-scale mining is a moot point. Both affect miners' health. Mercury does so directly during processing and indirectly by its impact on the environment. Mercury has been used in the recovery of gold for over 2,000 years. Its use is widespread because it is effective, simple and cheap. At about $20 per kg, mercury is less than 0.25 per cent the price of gold, so large amounts can be and are used in the belief that more gold will be recovered at little extra cost. But its use poses the greatest threat to the health of those who work with it and, to a lesser extent, to the health of those in the community. Alternative processes are seen as more costly, complicated and less effective. The individual aspect of much small-scale mining and the need for constant and regular cash flow, even of very small amounts, mean that it is difficult to promote techniques that have the benefit of economies of scale. In some small-scale mining operations, for example, transactions involving as little as 0.1 gm of gold (worth less than $1) take place.

The toxicity of mercury depends on its chemical and physical form. Mercury vapour, which is released when mercury-gold amalgam is heated in an open cycle, is ingested through the lungs (up to 80 per cent of what is inhaled remains) where it becomes soluble as methyl mercury and is absorbed into the bloodstream causing:

If mercury vapour is inhaled over a long period, chronic mercury poisoning occurs. The mercury penetrates the brain and causes tremors, speech disturbances, lack of concentration and mood swings.

There is little chance of eliminating the use of mercury in gold production. Because mercury is not perceived as an environmental or health problem by most of those using it, it is difficult to convince small-scale miners to use less mercury or work differently. Also, there is widespread distrust of processes that conceal the amalgam from the operator at the crucial stage of separating the gold. Making its use illegal will most likely just increase its price and stifle attempts to introduce techniques to lessen its impact on people and the environment. Attention is therefore focusing on controlling the amount used and limiting losses (emission and rejection with waste) by the use of closed-circuit treatment processes and waste collection techniques. There are several programmes to eliminate or lessen mercury use, particularly in Latin America.⁽³⁾ Experience has shown, however, that only solutions having a positive economic impact will have the remotest chance of success in the short term. In the longer term, education and community pressure will also contribute.⁽⁴⁾

Amalgamation is one of the most important processes in gold production from small-scale mining in developing countries. Gold in a concentrated ore sludge is mixed with mercury to form an amalgam which is heated to release the mercury as a vapour, leaving the gold. Metallic mercury is also lost when the amalgam is separated from the waste material, especially if excessive quantities of mercury are used. The successful introduction of cleaner technologies depends as much on socio-cultural aspects as on technical-economic factors. Gold produced by burning an amalgam in an open crucible is clean and shiny: when closed retorts are used the gold is often dark and unattractive looking, decreasing its value. Although the use of very small amounts of mercury at the end of the treatment process can restore the lustre, this is more work, therefore not popular. Moreover, many miners are reluctant to heat the amalgam in the sealed bowl of a retort since they cannot see what is going on. Some believe that there is scope for some of the gold to be retained in the system. A small glass retort is available, so everything can be observed, but it is extremely expensive and more delicate than a metal one. Also, the glass bowl is likely to become discoloured by heat in time and no longer be transparent. So, while technically efficient, if retorts are not widely accepted the mercury problem remains. Less efficient processes, such as ovens linked to devices that collect and condense mercury vapour while allowing the operator to see what is going on, have caught on in some areas. Even though they are less efficient, their widespread use has resulted in a greater overall reduction in mercury losses than was the case with the minimal use of a few retorts that capture and condense virtually all the mercury vapour.

In some cases those that live downstream of gold processing operations, including miners' families and the providers of drinking water, have become involved in mitigating the disposal of tailings containing mercury into water courses. However, sampling and screening to demonstrate that mercury levels in water and fish are high are costly, take time and may be at odds with the physical evidence in view of the time taken for mercury poisoning to become apparent.

The size of gold grains and the nature and size of the accompanying rock have a considerable effect on concentration and gold recovery. Generally, coarse gold is easier to recover than fine particles. Each gravity concentrating device has a range of grain size for which it is most effective. Thus it is important to classify gold by its grain size in order to select the most appropriate concentrator. Suboptimal recovery will occur if inappropriate equipment is used. When proposing portable or centralized treatment plants (an attractive project for donor agencies) these factors must be determined and taken into account at the planning stage. If not, the plant will fail, along with the credibility of its promoters.

Mercury is lost each time material is discarded. Losses are particularly high when grinding and amalgamation take place simultaneously, for example in edge mills or stamp mills, both of which are commonly used in small-scale gold mining. The high energy levels lead to the formation of "floured" mercury (small inert spheres) and its subsequent discharge. If amalgamation and grinding are undertaken in two stages the mercury losses are less.

The amalgam-mercury mixture is separated by pressing it through leather or a cloth (often the shirt of a miner) leaving a highly viscous amalgam comprising 50-60 per cent by weight of mercury and 40-50 per cent gold. Gold is obtained by heating the amalgam, wrapped in paper, in an open ceramic crucible by means of a blowtorch at temperatures of 350-600C. The vaporized mercury that escapes directly into the atmosphere at this stage accounts for 50-60 per cent of the total mercury emissions.

By concentrating the ore to the maximum extent possible before amalgamation, less mercury is required to form an amalgam. Equipment that is suitable for wet mechanical gravity separation includes fluidized bed centrifuges, spiral concentrators, cone separators, and fine-grain washers such as jigs, tables and sluices. Final enrichment -- discarding accompanying minerals by magnetic separation -- leads to further improvement of the preconcentrates. Comparatively small amounts of concentrate can therefore then be amalgamated in equipment such as closed amalgamating barrels or mills. This equipment also allows the addition of reagents to improve the surface activity of mercury, reducing the amount of mercury needed. If process changes cannot be introduced heavy product traps to catch the floured mercury should be installed and properly maintained.

There are several alternatives to amalgamation for obtaining gold but few have been generally accepted. Careful demonstration and promotion will be required if they are to replace amalgamation in small-scale mining. The cyanide process in conjunction with gravimetric concentration such as in centrifuges and combinations of equipment that allow the efficient production of concentrated ores whose eventual conversion into marketable products takes place in a single stage, for example by the smelting of gold concentrates to gold and slag by the miners themselves, might find a market in some countries, provided it works and is affordable -- a major uncertainty.

Swiss-funded projects in Bolivia and Ecuador have shown that it is possible to take an integrated approach to improving occupational health and the environment in gold mines that captures the self-interest of those involved -- they do better by following a course of action that also reduces risks to health and the environment. The cost of an agreed suite of measures developed for and put in place by a group of processing plants was less than the fines levied for not complying with environmental standards. There is agreement that non-compliance with the new measures will result in heavy fines or closure, so there is a strong economic incentive to comply. Moreover, compliance has included more careful control of the chemical processes, which has led to significant savings in the amounts of sodium cyanide, mercury and nitric acid used.

In a region of Peru where about 9 tonnes of gold are produced each year from small-scale mines, mercury use was up to 18 tonnes, most of which was lost. An information and sensitization programme plus the free distribution of 750 retorts and mercury reactivators led to an increase in the use of retorts from 1.9 per cent of miners to 55 per cent. As a result, almost 10 tonnes of mercury are being captured, cleaned and reused instead of being lost and adversely affecting workers' health. Similarly, at a small-scale mining operation at San Simón in Bolivia, where 250 miners produce about 380 kg of gold a year, almost 14 tonnes of mercury was emitted to the atmosphere -- 36 kg for each kilogramme of gold produced -- with only 10 per cent being captured. Changes in equipment and operating conditions and procedures resulted in improved gold recovery (by about 10 per cent) and a reduction in mercury use by a factor of 40, 98 per cent of which was recovered. This combination meant that the cost of the new equipment was quickly amortized -- a true win-win solution.⁽⁵⁾

Problems of insufficient clean water and inadequate sanitation, and the sickness and diseases that follow, underpin much of what is unsatisfactory about small-scale mining, particularly in areas that have seen sudden influxes of people in search of a living through mining. Where small-scale miners live at the mine site, or where processing is carried out in nearby communities, health and sanitation conditions are generally poor. Most people use pit latrines or the open bush -- with obvious health consequences. Malaria, cholera, tuberculosis bilharzia and enteric infections are common. Even long-term miners are unwilling or unable to afford the construction of hygienic sanitation facilities. Transient miners have little incentive to do so. Where water for domestic use is collected from open wells there are often serious health implications. Only boreholes and protected wells can be considered to provide safe water. The use of river water for domestic purposes is of particular concern since these rivers are also used for panning and bathing. Associated problems of lack of education facilities (generally associated with high levels of child labour), crime, prostitution and sexually transmitted diseases quickly follow.

Any successes from programmes to improve occupational health that do not address community issues will be short-lived. Unfortunately, years of neglect at the community level, even where small-scale mining is legal, mean that the problems are deep-rooted and will require changes in the approach and outlook of all concerned, as well as injections of cash and other resources. Nonetheless, improving community health is a straightforward task that, given determination and adequate resources, can be undertaken quickly and will produce immediate, tangible, benefits as the incidence of infectious diseases is reduced.

Bringing small mines under the umbrella of regulations and providing technical and administrative support and training are increasingly the focus of government and donor agency activity. An increasing number of ministries with responsibility for mining have set up small-scale mining units to improve control and provide assistance. Despite their best intentions, however, many of them lack resources. Several World Bank programmes are, inter alia, aimed at strengthening these units (Chapter 7). It will remain important for them to focus on occupational health and safety issues, not merely on permits and tax collection.

For example, the incidence of silicosis can be significantly reduced by the use of effective and affordable techniques and methods of dust control. In small-scale mines the important areas are the isolation or enclosure of dusty operations (such as grinding), modification of work practices to reduce exposure, the use of personal protective equipment, ventilation, appropriate handling and hygiene practices such as the provision of washing facilities and clean places to eat in. Regular inspections can play an important role in ensuring that these conditions are met.

Why would a rational small-scale miner pay for a piece of equipment -- such as a mercury retort -- which produces no more gold but which requires more effort? Since mercury is relatively cheap (typically 0.25 per cent of the price of gold) the cost of even a cheap retort that collects mercury for reuse will take time to recoup. Moreover, since there is considerable unease among many miners about letting the amalgam out of sight in a closed container during the burning process, free retorts might not be widely used either. For these reasons, less efficient solutions, such as open ovens that collect and condense the mercury vapour, have been more widely accepted, resulting in some cases in a greater net saving in mercury emissions. Retorts have had som

Social and labour issues in small-scale mines

Report for discussion at the Tripartite Meeting on Social and Labour Issues in Small-scale Mines

Social and labour issues
in small-scale mines

Report for discussion at the
Tripartite Meeting on Social and Labour
Issues in Small-scale Mines