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Impact of flexible labour market arrangements in the machinery electrical and electronic industries
Report for discussion at the Tripartite Meeting on the Impact of Flexible labour market Arrangements in theMachinery, Electrical and Electronic Industries
Geneva, 26-30 October 1998
International Labour Office Geneva
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Copyright ® 1999 International Labour Organization (ILO)
1. Flexible labour market arrangements: An overview
2. Global trends in the sector
2.1. Relocating employment to low-cost
countries
2.2.
Moving into high-technology employment
2.3.
Output continues to expand, especially in high-income OECD countries
2.4. Labour-saving expansionary
growth in high-income OECD countries
2.5.
Increasing real wages and output per employee
2.6.
Labour's share in value added declines, especially in the South
2.7. "Best performers"
... of yesterday?
3. Time for change: Negotiating working hours
4.1. Change in the United Kingdom
4.2. A practical example
from the United States
4.3.
Other studies
4.4. The
incidence of unsocial hours
4.5.
Impact of flexibility on conditions of work
5. Skills, training and education
5.1. Skill requirements
5.2.
Apprenticeship training
5.3.
In-enterprise training
5.4.
Training by national and private institutions
5.5.
The role of trade unions in providing training
5.6.
Foreign direct investment, technology diffusion and training
6. External flexibility and the structure of employment
6.1. The length of the working
week
6.2. Part-time and temporary
employment
6.3. Labour
turnover
6.4. Gender
6.5.
Early and phased retirement
6.6.
Reducing unemployment
7.1. Some characteristics
of new compensation systems
7.2.
Recent developments
7.3.
The structure of labour costs in the machinery industry
7.4.
Gender
7.5. Taxation and social
security
7.6. Evidence from
case-studies
8. The impact of flexibility on competitiveness
8.1. Competitiveness at the national level
8.1.1. Labour productivity
8.1.2. Unit labour cost
8.1.3. Labour
share of value added
8.1.4.
Exports and imports
8.2. Research and
development
8.3. Flexibility
through outsourcing in the United States electronics industry
8.4.
Improving competitiveness through flexibility in the workplace
8.5.
Degree of concentration
9. Export processing zones: Another form of flexibility
10. Summary and points for discussion
Boxes
1.1. Various forms of flexibility
3.1. Characteristics of selected flexible
working time models
3.2. The pattern
of job controls
3.3. Key points of
the new model in the Austrian metal trades (Metallgewerbe)
3.4. Examples of agreements under the
Robien Act (France)
3.5. New working
time arrangements in a plant in Bologna, Italy
4.1.
Main forms of work organization
4.2.
Mental workload in the human-machine system
4.3.
New technologies -- New hazards
5.1.
Example of apprenticeship training -- Siemens Aktiengesellschaft
5.2. Example of apprenticeship training --
Ecole Technique St. Croix
5.3. TQM
and employee training -- Yaskawa Electric Corporation, Japan
5.4.
Japanese firms in the United States
5.5.
Vocational training by a national training institute -- AMU Sweden
5.6. Modular training programme structural
chart (metalwork occupations)
6.1.
EU Council Directive of 1993 on working time
6.2.
EU Council Directive of 1997 on part-time work
6.3.
Bright career prospects for a few under temporary employment contracts in
Silicon Valley, California 96
6.4.
Hiring practices in satellite establishments of French car assembly plants
7.1. Transforming the pay system at Brimfield
Precision, Inc. (United States)
9.1.
ILO special action programme on export processing zones
9.2.
Labour standards and performance competition
Figures
2.2. Employment shares of the machinery industry, 1985-94
3.1. Unionization and collective bargaining coverage rates, 1994-96
3.2. Percentage of units that made compromises on each issue, multinationals in metal industry
4.1. A conceptual model for the implementation of ZI and JIT
4.2. Socio-economic context of work systems
4.3. Night work in manufacturing and in the economy as a whole in the European Union, 1992-96
4.4. Shift work in manufacturing and in the economy as a whole in the European Union, 1992-96
4.5. Saturday work in manufacturing and in the economy as a whole in the European Union, 1992-96 65
4.6. Sunday work in manufacturing and in the economy as a whole in the European Union, 1992-96 66
6.1. Part-time employment of men and women in the European Union, 1985-95
6.2. Temporary employment of men and women in the European Union, 1985-95
8.1. Labour productivity in the electrical machinery industry in selected countries (1980 = 100)
8.3. Unit labour costs in the non-electrical machinery industry in selected countries (1980 = 100)
8.4. Unit labour costs in the electrical machinery industry in selected countries (1980 = 100)
8.5. Labour share of value added in the non-electrical machinery industry in selected countries (%)
8.6. Labour share of value added in the electrical machinery industry in selected countries (%)
Tables
1.1. National approaches to flexibility
2.4. Machinery and electrical companies in the Financial Times Global 500, 1996-97
3.2. Subsidiaries of multinationals and their ownership, metal industries
3.3. What happens when maximum permitted overtime is exceeded?
3.4. Traffic-light system to monitor the amount of overtime hours worked
3.5. Duration of employment guarantee
4.2. Comparison of work organization practices: Japanese and domestic start-ups (United States) 60
4.4. Reform initiatives in four Australian manufacturing plants
5.1. Metal apprentices in group training arrangements (Australia, 1983-97)
5.2. Training in firms introducing organizational changes (United States)
5.3. Comparison of human resources practices: Japanese and domestic start-ups (United States) 78
6.1. Overtime work in the machinery industry, 1996
6.2. Overtime work in the machinery industry, 1985-96
6.4. Part-time employment by industry, 1983-96
6.5. Temporary employment by industry, 1983-92
6.7. Short-term employment tenure and turnover, 1980-95
7.1. Recent government interventions to affect wage determination
8.1. Export specialization in the non-electrical machinery industry
8.2. Export specialization in the electrical machinery industry
8.5. R&D intensity (value added) in the non-electrical machinery industry
8.6. R&D intensity (value added) in the electrical machinery industry
8.7. R&D investment ratio in the non-electrical machinery industry
8.8. R&D investment ratio in the electrical machinery industry
8.9. Top ten telecommunication equipment vendors (by sales), 1994
At its 267th Session (November 1996), the Governing Body of the ILO decided that a Tripartite Meeting on the Impact of Flexible Labour Market Arrangements in the Machinery, Electrical and Electronic Industries would be included in the programme of sectoral meetings for 1998-99. At its 268th Session (March 1997), the Governing Body further decided that the governments of the following countries should be invited to be represented at the Meeting: Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Czech Republic, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Israel, Italy, Japan, Republic of Korea, Malaysia, Mexico, Portugal, Singapore, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, United Kingdom, United States. A number of countries were included in a reserve list from which further invitees would be drawn in the event that a government on the first list did not accept the invitation. The Governing Body decided that 24 Employer and Worker participants in the Meeting would be appointed on the basis of nominations made by the respective groups of the Governing Body. They will not necessarily come from the above list of countries.
By the mid-1980s most aspects of working life had successfully been subjected to some form of regulation (in the form of minimum labour standards), limiting the maximum number of hours that could be worked or laying down stipulations regarding overtime pay, mandatory rest periods, paid holidays, restrictions on night work and shift work, etc. Nevertheless, within these highly regulated labour markets (often called "rigid" by some), a certain amount of flexibility has always existed with respect to working time, one familiar form of this being overtime, which is compensated at a higher rate than the normal working hours. In very traditional industrial relations systems it was usually assumed that there would be a certain amount of overtime "built into" any collective agreement (sometimes in exchange for a lower initial hourly rate). Other forms of flexibility in working time included short-time working when demand was low, or temporary lay-offs, for example in the automobile industry when factories were being retooled for the next year's models.
Recently, while many trade unions have been pressing for reduced working
time, guarantees of employment security and measures to combat unemployment,
some employers have been seeking to modify many of the hard-won social protection
measures in an effort to make labour markets less rigid. For example, they are
striving to match workers' desire for fewer hours worked against the acceptance
of a more flexible approach on when and how to work, so as
to increase the operating hours of machines without having to pay for overtime.
It is against this background that the ILO has prepared this report. This is
the first meeting on mechanical and electrical engineering under the reorganized
system of sectoral meetings that was introduced in 1996. For purposes of this
report the scope of the mechanical and electrical engineering sector corresponds
to major groups 382 (non-electrical machinery) and 383 (electrical machinery)
of the International Standard Industrial Classification of All Economic Activities
(ISIC, Rev.2), 1968. Briefly, these include: the manufacture of general and
specific-purpose machinery; domestic appliances; office or business machines;
electrical machinery and apparatus; television, radio, video and communications
equipment; and medical, precision and optical equipment, including watches and
clocks (see box). They do not include the automotive sector (ISIC group 3843),
where in fact many of the more innovative flexibility arrangements have originated),
and which from now on will be covered by the ILO as part of the transport equipment
manufacturing sector (ISIC major group 384).
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Although the 13th Session of the Metal Trades Committee (which covered what are now regarded as two sectors) already gave considerable attention to flexibility in 1994,(1) this report is devoted exclusively to the subject. The pivotal role of the metal trades sectors as a pattern-setter for the rest of the economy,(2) their size, union density and high exposure to world markets give a wider importance to their experience with flexibility measures.(3)
This research was initiated by Armand Pereira and coordinated by Paul Bailey of the Industrial Activities Branch, who prepared the report, together with Maryke Dessing. Inputs in terms of data collection and contributions to various chapters were provided by Auret van Heerden, Ryo Kawano, Asma Lateef, Christiane Luebbe and Olivier Mutter. Working papers were prepared by M. Echeverria (Chile), L.M. de Oliveira (Uruguay), Bob Forrant (United States), John Buchanan (Australia) and Stefan Lehndorf and Christiane Lindecke (Germany), as well as M. Dessing and O. Mutter (The industry in numbers).(4) For the sake of international comparability the report draws primarily on the ILO Yearbook of Labour Statistics, and computerized information from the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the Statistical Office of the European Communities (EUROSTAT), rather than national statistics. The International Metalworkers' Federation (IMF) and the Western European Metal Trades Employers' Organization (WEM) offered valuable assistance in terms of contacting their members for contributions.
1. ILO: Recent developments in the metal trades, Report I, Metal Trades Committee, 13th Session, Geneva, 1994 (Geneva, 1993). See for example "A more flexible but increasingly segmented workforce" (p. 43) and "Functional flexibility, multi-skilling and work intensification" (p. 89).
2. Franz Traxler and Bernhard Kittel: "The bargaining structure, its context, and performance: A case of global competition among national bargaining systems?", Paper prepared for the Conference on Economic Internationalization and Democracy, 14-15 Dec. 1997, University of Vienna, p. 11.
3. In this context it is also interesting to note that today's preoccupation with flexibility is more focused on the content of the job and other benefits related to working hours and how work is centred around the adaptability and mobility of hours, as opposed to the discussion a decade ago on "concession bargaining", which was more concerned with wage restraint and the reduction of costs to preserve jobs. See ILO: World Labour Report 1997-98: Industrial relations, democracy and social stability (Geneva, 1997), pp. 114-115.
4. M. Dessing and O. Mutter: The machinery, electrical and electronic industries in numbers, Sectoral Activities Programme Working Paper No. 121 (Geneva, ILO, 1998); hereinafter referred to as The industry in numbers.
1.
Flexible labour market arrangements:
An overview
1.1. The general debate on flexibility
In an increasingly competitive economic environment, enterprises are seeking more flexible and innovative forms of organization and production to increase economic efficiency in response to technological change, consumer preferences (emphasizing customer service, quality and variety) and globalization. Successful adoption of new technologies and their impact depend on the institutional context and organizational changes at the firm level. The new work organization practices accompanying the introduction of information and communication technology (ICT) have often been described as "high-performance work practices".(1) This second-round diffusion of microelectronics and advanced manufacturing technology (AMT) in the 1990s, unlike the first round in the 1980s, is associated with the introduction of flexible enterprise models.
It has been argued that Japanese companies succeeded in achieving considerably higher productivity with the same technology because they ensured a better collaboration between men and machines. European firms, in spite of considerable investment in new technologies, had been unable to fully exploit this potential and significantly improve their competitive position because of inadequate work organization and skill shortages. With their fixation on technology, they had failed to make the necessary organizational changes, which require a more holistic approach to company structures.(2) Flexible work organization provides employers with a means of extending operating hours; applying high-wage labour more effectively in the face of competition from low-wage countries and thus raising its productivity, improving the quality of products and increasing the rate of innovation; but also of removing disincentives to hire staff and adjusting employment levels to variations in demand.
High unemployment has led to stronger appeals for increased flexibility in recent years. Reduction of the standard work week is seen by many unions, at least those in Europe, as a way to increase the number of jobs. Shorter working weeks have led to more fundamental changes in the organization of work in order to maintain high rates of capacity utilization and thereby remain competitive. Early and staggered retirement schemes aim to redistribute the existing volume of work and to have a positive net effect on employment levels.
The diversification of employment relationships and working time practices (flexible scheduling, career breaks, sabbaticals, parental leave, part-time employment, teleworking) is also a response to broader societal developments and to changed preferences of individual workers. Higher living and educational standards have led to attitudinal changes concerning the relationship between work, leisure and parental responsibilities. The massive entry into the labour market of women with children played an important part. Parents must respond to pressures emanating from schools, day care facilities and public services. At the same time, in most high-income countries, the number of households without children has risen, reducing the need to fit working hours into tight family schedules.
Many types of arrangements are encompassed by the term "flexibility".
The typology presented in box 1.1 will be used in this report, although it is
difficult in practice to draw the line between these various forms of flexibility,
which are closely interrelated.
Box
1.1. Functional flexibility, which is closely related to internal flexibility, refers to flexible organization of the workplace with shifting job designs and boundaries. It requires the willingness to adopt new working practices, a collaborative approach to work, and the free movement of people between tasks, underpinned by flexible skills (multiskilling and wide-skilling). Autonomous, self-managed multifunctional teamwork, based on high-quality labour inputs, exemplifies this kind of flexibility. It is essential to respond to technological change or to fast-changing product demand. Skills flexibility is indispensable for functional flexibility. It requires a strong basic education system, and a commitment on the part of employers and employees to the acquisition of new and transferable skills. It helps maintain high employability and reduces frictional unemployment associated with skills mismatch. Numerical flexibility, which largely overlaps with external flexibility, refers to adjustments in the number of persons employed, downsizing and outsourcing where necessary. This type of flexibility is constrained by rights to redundancy benefits and protection against unfair treatment and, in some countries, by requirements to consult, negotiate or gain legal approval to restructure. Excessive restrictions on this type of flexibility caused by creating high "costs of exit" can lead to labour market distortions, such as the extensive use of fixed-term temporary contracts, or encourage firms to minimize labour and grow in a highly capital-intensive fashion. Conversely, excessive numerical flexibility might undermine workers' motivation and willingness to participate, which are so important for modern firms, and result in inadequate training because of high labour turnover rates. It may also increase stress and exacerbate other problems related to employment (and income) instability. Flexible working patterns consist in varying the hours of work (for example through part-time work, shift work and annualized hours) or the type of employment contract (for example fixed-term or seasonal contracts). This form of flexibility is important to enable employers to adapt to peaks and troughs in demand, especially in services. In manufacturing it permits intensive operation of plant to maximize returns on capital investment. It may fit employees' lifestyle choices, such as reconciling work with parental responsibilities, but it may also create problems of time management in coordinating work with other activities and responsibilities. Wage flexibility is used to adjust wages to changing economic conditions, and to company and individual performance. Geographical mobility facilitates labour market adjustments, especially to alleviate regional skills shortages and unemployment. Measures that enhance mobility between regions include: language skills, transferable pension rights, mutual recognition of qualifications and flexible housing markets. Source: Adapted from CBI: Human Resources Brief, Nov. 1997. |
The new labour arrangements now being sought are characterized by greater functional and numerical flexibility. They may combine elements of internal flexibility -- adjustments with the firm and the existing contract structure -- and external flexibility -- recourse to the markets, changing the nature and type of contracts. Complex organization and simple jobs have tended to be replaced with simplified organization and more complex jobs.(3) The new arrangements have some or all of the following features:
Flexibility, which encompasses several dimensions, should not however be equated with the opposite of rigidity. Firms can change the mix of functional flexibility (shifting job designs and tasks) and numerical flexibility (changing the quantity of labour input) to adjust labour use; but they can also shift the locus of adjustment, relying to a greater or lesser extent on external markets. For instance, (internal) variations in working hours can substitute for (external) hiring and firing, and outsourcing of certain activities may be used instead of occupational restructuring within firms to acquire specialized competencies. Excessive numerical flexibility, however, might undermine workers' commitment and participation, which new work organizations seek to foster, and result in an inadequate skill base because of high labour turnover rates. The choice of a specific mix will therefore depend on factors such as market conditions (availability of competencies and skills), the state of training facilities and the educational system, labour market regulations and internal firm-level barriers to adjustment, such as workers' adaptability or management's skills and outlook.
Restructuring appears to be occurring in many industries and services, and seems to be most advanced in manufacturing sectors where international competition is strongest and in tradable services, in particular business services. The new work organization has probably been adopted by about a quarter of enterprises in the OECD countries, in particular large ones engaged in capital goods assembly and automobile manufacture. Assembly industries, notably in the automobile sector, typify these changes, which are associated to a certain extent with "downsizing" strategies.(5) However, it is argued that the scope for further adoption is constrained by narrow specialization, inadequate resources, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises, skill shortages, conservatism and lack of strategic orientation on the part of management; obstacles to the adoption of new forms of production and organization are largely seen as internal to firms.
The impact of these new work practices on different aspects of firms' performance, and on the workforce, depends on various factors, including the nature of the firm's activity, conditions in product and factor markets, and the broader institutional and macroeconomic context. National and regional differences can therefore be discerned. The impact of these new work practices also varies considerably from one sector to another. For instance, in services, flexible work arrangements have long been standard practice in order to match working time with variations in customer volume. Here, these arrangements are mainly associated with an extension of operating hours, which are mostly determined by social factors (consumers' demands) rather than economic ones. In labour-intensive service industries, flexible labour arrangements are frequently associated with a worsening of existing standards. In many places, they are introduced above all to reduce labour costs, for instance by replacing full-time workers with part-time workers; in some countries, the latter may earn lower wages and often have fewer fringe benefits. By contrast, in advanced manufacturing, as in the machinery industry, the new working practices and the extension of operating hours offer scope for increasing returns and can thus finance attractive compromises for employees. This sector also tends to have higher union density and a smaller share of women workers than many service industries.(6)
These sectoral differences could therefore lead to widening disparities in working conditions within economies. Moreover, there is a concern that increasingly individualized labour arrangements and forms of remuneration complicate not only personnel planning, but also standard setting and the work of regulating agencies and unions. Increased individualization might weaken solidarity. The associated trend toward decentralized bargaining over working time has altered traditional bargaining patterns;(7) this raises important issues concerning not only the interplay between central and decentralized levels in the bargaining process, but also the workers' position vis-à-vis employers at all levels. For instance, internal flexibility in particular requires less strict and definitive regulation, but more social dialogue and negotiated solutions. Thus, the question remains to what extent new working practices are used not only as tools for raising economic efficiency and profitability but also as means of improving working and living conditions.
1.2. National approaches to
flexibility and adaptability
Institutional, economic and societal differences result in distinct national or regional approaches to flexibility and adaptability. Patterns observed within the OECD countries, for which the most detailed information is available, are briefly presented here to illustrate regional specificities, the interplay with broader structural factors and the trade-off between various aspects of flexibility. However, the account does not claim to be comprehensive. The experience of less industrialized countries is discussed in Chapter 9, in particular with regard to export processing zones.
A comprehensive OECD study identified three approaches in its member States;(8) table 1.1 summarizes key features. The first, market-driven approach, is exemplified by North America, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom. Influenced by relatively liberal market structures, firms have sought to maximize shareholder value and satisfy other short-term financial objectives. Take-over and divestment strategies played an important role in adding and shedding assets in the pursuit of flexibility. Workforce adaptability has been achieved mainly through well-developed external markets, hiring workers with the requisite skills and dismissing those whose qualifications had become obsolete. Vocational training within the enterprise is thus less well developed since firms are less likely to reap the benefits from long-term training and career development. They depend more heavily on externally provided training. This approach relies more heavily on numerical and external flexibility. Part-time and temporary employment are used more extensively, job tenure is relatively short (three to four years for Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States), and wage dispersion has increased -- most notably in the United Kingdom and the United States. Unemployment is relatively low but low-paid employment is more widespread than in countries that have adopted the other two approaches to flexibility.
The second, more consensual approach, is found in Germany, and in varying degrees in Nordic countries and other continental European countries such as Belgium, France and the Netherlands. Capital markets are more restricted, and crossholdings of capital ownership in banks and corporations are common. This approach relies heavily on negotiations to reach consensus among a wide range of stakeholders and therefore permits a more deliberate, long-term approach to strategy and resource allocation. Works councils at the firm level extend traditions of consensual decision-making; consultations at the broad industry level have complemented consensus-based decisions at the firm level concerning skills development and firm strategy. Educational and training systems invest heavily in building a deep skill base and a high level of individual competence, thus facilitating worker adaptability. These elements help create a virtuous circle of skill formation, labour reallocation, productivity growth and employment security at the sectoral level. In the more protected European environment, this approach has depended more on functional and internal flexibility. Part-time and temporary employment are less frequent, job tenure is relatively long (about eight years for France, Germany and Japan) and wage dispersion has not changed significantly.
Japan illustrates the third approach, also consensual, but centred more at firm level. Restricted capital markets and concentration of capital ownership have also kept the focus of strategic decisions on technology and market shares, as for European countries, rather than being geared to short-term financial performance. The educational system provides a broad base of general competencies, complemented by highly developed training practices within firms to ensure labour adaptability. Firm-based vocational training and intra-firm mobility compensate for the fact that less emphasis is placed on occupational skills development compared to the practice in European countries. The same virtuous circle has been created as with the second approach. The third approach also relies more heavily on internal and functional flexibility and seems to have accentuated this trend. Japan is the only country showing signs of increasing tenure for all age groups, but it also uses part-time and temporary employment more extensively.
These regional patterns are losing their uniqueness but are not necessarily converging. Adjustment strategies are becoming more multidimensional. Those that relied heavily on external flexibility are now seeking to develop their internal capacity for change, including their human resources. Those that used relatively closed and consensus-based approaches are turning more to external markets to recruit technical skills. Finally, outsourcing, which is not necessarily linked to the new forms of organization, seems to have become more common in all countries, while the average firm size has generally decreased over the last two decades.
Table 1.1. National approaches to flexibility
Indicator |
United States |
Canada |
United Kingdom |
France |
Germany |
Italy |
Japan |
Main source of evidence |
Downsizing |
High |
High |
High |
-- |
Low |
-- |
Low |
Average establishment size |
Outsourcing |
High level, increasing trend |
High level, increasing trend |
High level, increasing trend |
High level, increasing trend |
Low level, increasing trend |
Low level, increasing trend |
Low level, increasing trend |
Incidence of employment in FIRB sector 1 |
Education/training |
Demand-supply driven |
-- |
Demand-supply driven |
-- |
Consensus-driven |
-- |
Consensus-driven |
Detailed occupation and education employment data |
Employment flexibility: part-time employment |
High level, rapid rise in early 1980s and 1990s (slight decline in interim) |
High level, rapid rise in early 1980s and 1990s (slight decline in interim) |
High level, rapid rise in early 1980s and 1990s (stable in interim) |
Low level, rapid rise in early 1980s and 1990s (stable in interim) |
Low level, steady upward trend |
Low level, no trend |
High level, rapid rise late 1980s (otherwise stable) |
Part-time employment as a proportion of total employment, 1980-94 |
Employment flexibility: temporary employment |
Evidence of increasing agency work |
-- |
Low level, no trend |
Low level, increasing trend |
Higher level, no trend |
Low level, no trend |
Higher level, no trend |
Temporary employment as a proportion of total employment, 1983-91 |
Employment flexibility: tenure employment |
Low level, decreasing for older workers |
Low level, no trend |
Low level, decreasing for older workers |
High level, decreasing for all age groups |
High level, no trend |
-- |
High level, increasing for all age groups |
Employee tenure |
Employment flexibility: earnings dispersion |
Large increase |
Small increase |
Large increase |
No increase |
Small decrease |
No increase |
Small increase |
Change over the 1980s |
1 FIRB: Finance, insurance, real estate and business sector, which is commonly thought to be strongly associated with the outsourcing of business services. Since 1979, this group had the fastest growth rate of employment in most OECD countries. Source: OECD: Technology, productivity and jobs, Vol. 2, Analytical Report (Paris, 1996), p. 168. |
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1. United States Department of Labor: High-performance work practices and firm performance (Washington, DC, US Government Printing Office, 1993); and idem: Integrating technology with workers in the new American workplace (Washington, DC, US Government Printing Office, 1994).
2. G. Bosch: Flexibility and work organisation, Social Europe, Supplement 1/95 (Luxembourg, Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1995), p. 5.
3. ibid.
4. Adapted from OECD: Technology, productivity and job creation, Vol. 2, Analytical Report (Paris, 1996), p. 130.
5. ibid., p. 133.
6. G. Bosch: "Synthesis report", in OECD (ed.): Flexible working time: Collective bargaining and government intervention (Paris, 1995), pp. 20-22, 27.
7. P. Tergeist: "Introduction", ibid., pp. 12-14.
8. OECD: Technology, productivity and job creation, op. cit., pp. 129-175.
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