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Appendix

Recent developments in the education
and training sectors: Financing,
organization and employment

Educational funding

The amount of resources devoted to education in a country is one of the most important indicators reflecting its importance in the hierarchy of national political, economic and social choices. Resources invested in education appear to have improved in recent years, as international policy documents have encouraged a high priority to funding education and its personnel as an investment in human development for knowledge-based societies.

Educational investment trends

Public expenditure on education as a percentage of gross national product (GNP) worldwide in 1995 remained close to the level of 5 per cent which prevailed in the previous decade and a half. Regional differences are substantial, however, ranging from slightly over 5 per cent in the developed countries of North America, east Asia/Oceania and Europe, to only half that in the least developed countries. Educational spending persists at under 4 per cent of GNP in developing east and southern Asia (figure 1).

Figure 1. Estimated public expenditure on education as percentage of GNP and as percentage of GNP per capita, 1995

Source: UNESCO 1998b.

The differences between the richest countries and all others are substantial and growing. Taking into account public and private funding sources, OECD countries as a whole invest nearly 6 per cent of their collective gross domestic product (GDP) on education, with only five of 22 reporting countries investing less than 5 per cent. In several countries, the percentage of GDP devoted to education rises to between 6 and 8 per cent when all expenditures and subsidies to individuals and households are factored in. Moreover, the majority of OECD countries has increased, sometimes substantially (i.e. 20-30 per cent), their investment levels between 1990-95. Educational expenditure grew faster than national wealth in almost all countries in the group. Developed countries now invest 80 per cent of the worldwide total of US$1.4 trillion spent on education, up from 72 per cent in 1980 (UNESCO, 1998b).

Despite unfavourable comparisons on GNP/GDP figures, many middle- and low-income developing countries make substantial sacrifices to invest in learning when overall government spending is taken into account. Compared to the OECD-wide average of 12.6 per cent of government funds devoted to education in 1995 (latest year available), among non-OECD countries participating in the World Education Indicators survey, the figures varied from the OECD average for Argentina and Uruguay to a high of 27 per cent of public expenditure invested in education in the Philippines.

UNESCO statistics for 1996 also reveal a wide range within regions in the choices made on government investment in education as a percentage of their overall expenditures:

• in Africa investment generally falls within the 15-20 per cent range (higher than the OECD average), but varies from 9 per cent in Sudan to just under 25 per cent in Morocco;
• in the Caribbean and central America, most countries invest in the range of 13-19 per cent, with lows from 9 per cent (St. Kitts and Nevis) to peaks of nearly 23 per cent (Costa Rica);
• the regional spread in South America is very similar, varying from 10 per cent in Guyana to 19 per cent in Bolivia;
• remarkably different investment decisions are made among Arab States, as well, where Lebanon spends slightly over 8 per cent compared to Jordan’s nearly 20 per cent;
• and in south-east Asia, Indonesia invests under 8 per cent compared to Thailand’s 20 per cent (UNESCO, 1998a).

These figures need to be put into perspective. Relatively lower spending levels among countries do not automatically equate with lower educational quality or access; neither do they completely demonstrate by themselves priority afforded to education. Different variables affect the obligations of governments to spend on education and training. These include: population demographics, political choices on support to different levels of education and purpose of investments; and the expected contributions of private sources – be they business, families, or individuals. Overall, however, OECD analysis of its member countries concludes that “public funding of education is a social priority in all countries, even those with little public involvement in other areas” (OECD, 1998a). The figures suggest that substantial investments are being made in some, though certainly not all, developing countries, but that much greater efforts are needed in most to overcome historical underfunding and to prepare for the future.

Another measure of societal investment in education is the current expenditure per pupil as a percentage of GNP per capita (figure 1). As distinct from capital expenditure for buildings and equipment, current expenditure includes salaries and other expenditures for educational personnel. The world average of public current expenditure in 1995 amounted to 22 per cent for all levels of education according to UNESCO figures. Most of the developed countries taken as a whole invested over 20 per cent of GNP, whereas most developing countries spent well under this figure. Major exceptions included the Arab States and sub-Saharan Africa, the latter grouping of countries investing an extraordinary 30 per cent of public current expenditure on education, notwithstanding a more limited funding base.

Diversified funding: Public, private and partnerships

Data from OECD indicators suggest that the private sector is the source of approximately 20 per cent of expenditure on educational institutions. This amounts to 1.2 per cent of aggregate GDP in 19 countries; here again, there are wide differences between these countries, ranging from 3 per cent or less of private money to support educational institutions in Italy, the Netherlands and Sweden, to over 18 per cent in Australia and Germany. The funding sources vary also, from mainly households in many countries to funds from business enterprises, as in Germany to support the dual apprenticeship system. In addition, the amounts do not measure the total costs that families put out for their children’s education. Much of the funding – from government payments to subsidize private expenditure at educational institutions to direct payments by individuals and families – is directed at higher education institutions. Direct payments are often made to increase educational access to low income students. There is no consistent pattern to indicate a more rapid growth in private as opposed to public funding in these countries (OECD, 1998a).

Comparative figures are not available for many countries outside the OECD grouping, but private funding is substantial in some countries. For instance it is reported to account for 2.5 per cent of GDP in Chile, almost equal to the public share. On the other hand, it is 0.2 per cent or less in India and Malaysia (OECD, 1998a). Similarly, private money to support educational institutions varies from 2 per cent of all expenditures (public and private) in Malaysia to 45 per cent in Chile. Péano (1998) cites two examples from Africa to show how non-governmental financing provides substantial additional resources to educational investments. In Madagascar the Government reportedly provides 51.8 per cent of expenditure on primary and secondary education, parents 27.2 per cent, external donors 4.1 per cent and subsidies 7 per cent. In Mali, the Government provides 52.5 per cent of funding, families and communities 15.9 per cent, external loans 9.6 per cent, external subsidies 15.8 per cent, while local development committees and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) account for the remainder. Enrolment growth trends noted elsewhere in this report, coupled with the continued constraints on public sector investments, suggest that this expansion of private education at secondary and higher education levels in response to unmet demand which the ILO previously noted (1996a), is set to continue.

Education as a business?

At one end of the spectrum, the movement towards complete privatization of education with the goal of turning it into a profit-making enterprise has been gathering steam in recent years. Practical attempts to implement such concepts are most advanced in the United States, often on grounds that market efficiency will improve schooling access and quality. This privatization of education includes the allocation of public monies on a voucher basis to families for use in private schools, and the assumption of administrative control over previously public schools by private management on a profit basis. In the first case, experiences have been limited so far to experiments in a few urban school districts (and notably Milwaukie, Wisconsin and Cleveland, Ohio). In the second, experiences are also limited but growing with the emergence of private corporations which operate primary schools in several states. Critics contend that voucher plans and private management of schools risk increasing equality of access, and do not provide guarantees of conformity with minimum quality standards. There is little evidence so far to indicate that individual or school performances have in fact improved in these schools.

Globalization of service trade has also given rise to speculation, and fears in some quarters, that education is ripe for a large-scale expansion of capital and human resource flows across national borders in a largely privatized trade in education services. International trade in higher education services especially has become big business, though it is frequently a mix of public and private institutions or authorities. Estimates put trade in education at US$27 billion in 1995 (EI, 1999; Mallea, 1998), slightly over 2 per cent of estimated worldwide expenditure on education.

In contrast to a wholesale reliance on private initiatives, ILO constituents at the last education meeting advocated a mix of more efficient tax recovery to recapture higher potential contributions of individuals and enterprises, elimination of corruption and debt swaps for social investments so as to bolster public investments (ILO, 1996c). The concept of debt swaps and similar initiatives to concentrate national and international resources on social problems appears to be gaining ground in international financial circles. They include the 20/20 initiative to bring both developing country budgetary spending and international donor assistance for social programmes up to 20 per cent of all spending (UNICEF, 1999). The communiqué adopted by the Group of Eight (G-8) at the Cologne Summit in June 1999 which dealt in part with lifelong learning initiatives, commended changes in the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) debt relief initiatives managed by international financial institutions that could release resources for poverty reduction, education and health. During the autumn 1999 round of Bretton Woods institutions meetings, progress was noted in the number of indebted countries subscribing to the HIPC framework, as well as decisions by lending countries, collectively through the Paris Club and bilaterally, to provide up to 90 per cent or more of debt relief on commercial and development loans within the framework (IMF, 1999).

In addition to alternative financing approaches for higher education which are explored in Chapter 1 of this report, a major new form of supplementary financing is mushrooming in universities in the form of income-generating activities derived from contract teaching and joint research programmes with private enterprise, though not without questions as to their impact on institutional mission and ethics. These may take the form of joint ventures between institutions, faculties or individual professors and business.

Decentralization of funding

Trends noted already by the ILO (1996a) in favour of more local and school-based responsibility for financing and especially spending decisions in a wide range of countries appear to be continuing. Differences, nevertheless, are very marked in relation to the level of education. In most countries the central government is still the principal source of funds for primary and secondary education, though spending authority has largely shifted to local and school levels. Federal States and some other countries have substantially devolved funding responsibility to local levels. Higher education remains largely the responsibility of central and regional levels of government (OECD, 1998a).

Access to education: Enrolment rates and levels

In relation to the second half of the 1980s, demand for educational services continued to exhibit strong growth in the 1990s at all levels except pre-primary (table 1). Worldwide enrolments for all levels of education exceeded 1.2 billion students in 1996 (UNESCO, 1998a). There are no signs that growth is likely to slow in coming years, although demographic patterns will affect levels of education and countries differently.

Table 1. Worldwide percentage rates of growth in enrolments and teaching staff, 1985-90, 1990-96
 

Gross enrolment ratios (GERs)^[12] increased in all regions and at all levels of education, with the exception of sub-Saharan Africa and certain developing countries in east Asia (primary education), and the European and central Asian countries in transition from centrally planned to market economies (all levels). The fall-off in enrolment ratios in these countries since the political and economic transformations at the beginning of this decade has been particularly dramatic in early childhood and in secondary education. Strong gains in female enrolment ratios were manifest almost everywhere and at all levels of education (UNESCO, 1998a and 1998b).

Yet, this largely positive picture looks less rosy when comparing progress in the richest and in the poorest countries. There remains a chasm between the GERs in primary schools of the LDCs and those of the developed countries (table 2).

Table 2. Gross enrolment ratios at first level (primary school), least developed and developed countries, 1980-96
 

One of the most striking factors in the data is the gender balance (more or less) in the developed countries and the stark gender disparity in the least developed countries. All the developed countries put their participation at first level at close to 100 per cent for both males and females, whereas in many developing countries, particularly in Africa and south Asia, there are extreme disparities between male and female participation (the highest is Yemen, according to UNESCO statistics, with 99 per cent male and 40 per cent female participation). Similar patterns in terms of male-female participation are repeated across secondary and higher education as shown in tables 3 and 4.

Table 3. Gross enrolment ratios at second level (secondary education), least developed and developed countries, 1980-96
 

Table 4. Gross enrolment ratios at third level (higher education), least developed and developed countries, 1980-96
 

In a striking reversal of traditional gender gaps in developed countries, female enrolment ratios in both secondary and higher education now eclipse those of males, with the gap widening through the 1990s.

Structures: Management and governance

Though uneven in its pace and scope within countries of the same region or economic level, steady decentralization or devolution of not only financial but organizational and managerial authority from central and regional authorities to local levels and schools continues as the world enters the twenty-first century. Thus, countries as disparate in size and wealth in Asia and the Pacific as the Republic of Korea, the Maldives, New Zealand, and the Philippines have all experienced decentralized school management. This has taken various forms, ranging from school councils composed of principals, teachers, parents, community leaders and educational specialists in the Republic of Korea, to principals and local school boards for large schools in the Maldives, to school/community partnerships institutionalized in boards of trustees of New Zealand’s Tomorrow’s Schools policy, and to Philippine schools through a principal empowerment policy. European countries, both western and eastern, have all undergone some aspect of the trend, with the impact most pronounced in the highly centralized systems which used to prevail in central and eastern Europe. Poland has seen all primary and secondary schools in the largest urban centres pass to municipal control since 1996, whereas more authority and responsibilities are being delegated to educational institutions and their school councils in Malta (IBE, 1999).

Devolution of responsibility has occasioned another substantive change: the emergence of a broad-based conception of partnership which goes beyond mere financial concerns to embrace a new paradigm of learning provision. One outgrowth is Thailand’s “learning network” concept which seeks to build diversity and self-governance as a counterpoint to homogenous learning options by mobilizing families, religious institutions, businesses, the mass media and non-governmental organizations to create a lifelong educational process that takes account of local needs (IBE, 1999).

Employment of educational personnel

Educational personnel in the labour force

In addition to providing a further indicator of investment priorities, employment in education is a significant formal sector labour market. Education personnel continue to represent a sizeable proportion of the economically active or employed labour force in the middle- and high-income countries of Europe and the OECD. If anything, their presence has increased during the 1990s. The OECD estimated the average for teachers at all levels of education at 3.9 per cent (2.9 per cent for primary and secondary teachers) in 1995, and the total for all educational personnel at 5.4 per cent. This would represent an increase in the totals and in the proportion of teaching staff in relation to all personnel compared to 1992 (ILO, 1996a; OECD, 1997a). Even more recent EU estimates put the number of public and private teachers solely in primary and secondary schools of its member countries at 3 per cent in 1996-97, with similar figures for countries in central and eastern Europe.

Variations among EU and OECD countries are quite wide, reflecting different choices as to the numbers of personnel and the distribution among categories. For teachers at all levels the range extends from 2.4 per cent or less of the labour force in the Republic of Korea and Turkey to well over 5 per cent in Belgium and Hungary; for all educational personnel from under 4 per cent in Greece, the Republic of Korea and Japan to more than 7 and 8 per cent in Denmark and Hungary, respectively. Countries such as Canada, Greece and Italy choose to put much more of their resources directly into teaching staff (80 per cent or more), whereas countries such as Denmark, New Zealand and the United States hire 40 per cent or more of their staff in educational, administrative or professional support personnel. As noted by EU and OECD statistical analyses, these variations depend on the length of mandatory schooling and instruction time, the size of the school-age population, and parameters of teachers’ work, including hours of work, class size and time spent on teaching and non-teaching duties (EURYDICE, 1999a; OECD, 1997a).

Although information is not available on total employment in education outside these two country groupings, a statistical measure is available on the number of teachers per 1,000 people in the age group 15-64, roughly equivalent to the economically active population in most countries (figure 2). The proportions in various regions show no significant change since the last ILO report (1996a). The time series data nevertheless indicate that in the decade preceding 1995, every region and major country regardless of economic level (with the exception of China, which witnessed a dip from 14 to 13 per cent) maintained the percentage of teachers or made improvements. Growth was extremely significant in the Arab States, more developed countries of Asia/Oceania and in countries in transition.

Figure 2. Number of teachers (all levels) per 1,000 people in the age group 15-64 in 1985 and 1995

Source: UNESCO 1998b.

Teacher recruitment patterns confirm that, largely in response to demographic factors, growth in the number of teachers continues to be stronger in the least developed countries (LDCs) than in the developed world in both primary and secondary schools (tables 5 and 6). Recruitment growth of female teachers exceeds that of males in primary schools of both developed and developing countries, and in secondary education of the latter group, but has fallen behind in developed nations’ secondary schools. The most telling statistics, however, remain the huge gap between the numbers of teachers in relation to population in the LDCs compared to those in the most developed nations, and the fact that the number of teachers in the less developed group of countries remained static during the past ten years at a time when the need for teachers continued to grow.

Table 5. First level teachers: World, least developed and most developed countries, 1980-96
 

Table 6. Second level teachers: World, least developed and most developed countries, 1980-96
 

Educational administrators

The small amount of information available on trends in employment among administrators at various levels suggests that the changing roles and responsibilities of educational institutions will place a premium on management skills in the future. Demographics will also play a role. As an example, projections from the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics are for a 10 per cent increase in the employment of education administrators of all types up to 2006. Most job openings, especially for principals, will arise from retirements; an estimated 40 per cent of pre-primary through lower secondary (K-8) principals will retire over the next decade (Olson, 1999).

Profiles of the teaching profession:
Age, ethnicity and part-time

Beyond sheer numbers, educational policy- and decision-makers are concerned with the staff profiles of their systems. Gender profiles are explored in Chapter 1. Two other contours, age and ethnicity, are also significant for recruitment policy. The age profile of the teaching corps in a country has ramifications for human resource planning and finances in terms of sudden shifts in supply and demand of teachers, the continual training and professional development necessary to maintain high competency levels and the salary package. Ethnicity frequently is an important factor in ethnically and culturally diverse societies where the teaching profession is expected to reflect to some extent this diversity as a basis for closer cooperation with students and community to achieve common objectives. Trends in part-time teaching affect recruitment, career and work organization.

The greying of teaching?

Since the early 1990s, worries have been expressed at the age profile of teaching in developed countries, both as regards the supply and demand implications of replacing experienced, retiring teachers, as well as for the budgetary implications of a teaching corps composed of large numbers of professionals at the top of a salary scale determined by seniority. A heavily skewed age profile towards the upper end may also imply a more extensive continual training programme especially in the field of information technology.

Long-term recruitment patterns in European countries since the mid-1970s have shown a steady drop in the percentage of teachers under 30 years of age and a progressive rise in the percentage over 40 years (EURYDICE, 1996a). Though statistics vary significantly from country to country, as of 1996-97, almost half of primary and lower secondary teachers in most European and other OECD countries were 40 years or older. In primary and lower secondary schools, the percentage of young teachers under 30 years old reached or came close to 20 per cent in only four of 16 reporting countries (Belgium, the Republic of Korea (lower secondary), Switzerland and the United Kingdom). At upper secondary levels, the number of older teachers is even greater for almost all countries with some (notably Germany, Italy, Sweden) reporting four-fifths or more of teachers over 40 years old. In central and eastern European countries, the teaching corps in both primary and secondary schools is relatively younger, with often a quarter or more of teachers under 30 years old (EURYDICE, 1999a; IBE, 1999; OECD, 1998a and 1998b).

Country profiles of this kind pose potential problems for countries which project stable or growing enrolments (OECD, 1998a). In the absence of compensating recruitment patterns, such as a strong rate of returning teachers who have taken career breaks or recruitment of mid-career transfers from other professions, a continued decline in recruitment of young teachers in the 20-29 year-old age bracket creates strong potential for teacher shortages in the coming years for many high-income countries. This trend will be even more pronounced if strong economic growth patterns continue as these weaken the competitive edge of teaching among women who have up to now provided the main recruiting pool for primary and much of secondary education. Shortfalls may be of a qualitative as well as quantitative nature, as countries have variously experienced difficulties in the past with recruiting qualified teachers in maths and sciences, crucial areas for the information society. Strong planning and remedial measures would need to be taken to improve the attractiveness of teaching, and careful attention paid to the continual training programmes necessary to maintain and develop competences to avoid such a scenario.

Countries outside the EU and OECD face a different scenario in terms of age profiles. Teachers are generally younger on average, the statistics overall showing no significant change from previous years. A compilation of reports from 14 countries (1994 figures) showed all but two (both in Africa) had more than 20 per cent of primary and secondary teachers in the under 30 age bracket, and in all of them, the number of teachers under 40 years old ranged from over 60 per cent to almost 90 per cent (UNESCO, 1998b). Average life expectancy may play a role in some countries. In this connection, a particularly disturbing trend in sub-Saharan Africa is the reportedly high rate of mortality among teaching professionals due to AIDS: for instance, the UNAIDS programme projects that the disease will kill an estimated 27,000 teachers in the United Republic of Tanzania by 2020 (UNAIDS, 1999). The expanding demographic makeup which calls for ever-increasing numbers of new teachers, and the poor salary and career prospects of many experienced teachers which may encourage high rates of premature departures from the profession for more lucrative jobs, also affect the age composition of teachers in these countries. The policy response in many countries could mirror that of EU and OECD members, albeit with a different accent – funding the incentives necessary to keep experienced teachers in classrooms beyond mid-career.

Diversity in the classroom

In multi-cultural countries, rich and poor alike, the ethnic or racial diversity of the teaching force can be an important factor in facilitating, or hindering, educational and social integration. A teaching profession which reflects only the dominant ethnic or cultural makeup of the relevant educational constituency risks erecting cultural and linguistic barriers for minority, immigrant and other populations, themselves often forming the largest component of those at high risk of educational failure. The issue of teacher recruitment among minority populations is an important policy question in a widening range of African, North American, European, and Pacific countries, as already noted by the ILO (1996a). Although data is not systematic, measures to address this issue continued to be applied at the end of the decade in these countries. New Zealand’s teacher trainee programmes, for example, are accelerating Maori and Pacific island teacher training in an attempt to keep up with changing enrolment demography (IBE, 1999).

Part-time work

A long-term trend towards part-time work in education, for the most part in teaching (ILO, 1996a), does not seem to have diminished in those countries which have traditionally had recourse to this option. In the member countries of the European Union, one in five primary- and secondary-school teachers works part-time, and in Iceland and Norway, one in four. Country comparisons with a similar report three years ago suggest that the tendency is upward, though the trend is by no means universal. Part-time teaching in these countries is more pronounced at secondary level, especially upper secondary, a pattern which also prevails in central and eastern Europe where five of seven of the reporting countries have part-time percentages close to or above 20 per cent. At primary levels, only Germany, Sweden and Latvia report percentages above 30 per cent, with more than half of teachers in Germany working part-time.

As in the past, a far greater percentage of women than men choose to teach part-time except in certain Nordic countries (Denmark and Sweden) and at secondary level in a few (Ireland and Spain) (EURYDICE, 1996a and 1999a). The available data does not permit an indication of changes over time.

At higher and more specialized levels of education, the ILO (1996a) noted an increasing use of part-time teaching among high- and upper-middle income countries during the ten years preceding 1995. Although anecdotal evidence suggests that this trend may be increasing as flexibility in employment patterns augments in technical/vocational and higher education, the report lacks data to confirm this.

Likewise, this report does not dispose of data from countries outside Europe which would alter the previous, very tentative conclusions of the ILO (1996a) that part-time teaching is not very common in most low-income countries, and may even be decreasing. However, the growth of informal schooling arrangements particularly in rural areas of poor countries, in which locally engaged teachers or those who travel from region to region effectively teach for only a few hours, represents a de facto resort to part-time work.

Despite the lack of clarity across all levels of education and by major group of countries, these trends, at least in Europe, have interesting implications for teaching and learning opportunities in the future. As the indicators show, part-time work is often chosen by women, who have traditionally utilized this option to accommodate family responsibilities at some point in their career. The convergence of feminization and part-time work which extends to a majority of teachers as, for example, in some European countries may also offer increased possibilities for a more flexible timetabling of school hours.

Remuneration and work trends

A sampling of countries based on ILO data up to 1998 suggest previous findings based on reviews of salary trends from the 1980s to the mid-1990s (1991a, 1996a) have not changed dramatically (tables 7, 8 and 9). A significant divide continues to exist between teachers in high- and middle-income countries, and those in less well-off countries. In the former, salaries of teachers at most levels on the whole showed gains, or at least stability over time, reflecting, as previously noted: greater ability to pay in healthier economic circumstances, maintenance of high levels of public spending and percentage of GDP invested in education; and the impact of negotiated salary rates between teachers’ unions and management. The most impressive gains were made in Asian countries – Japan, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, Thailand – and in small, relatively prosperous countries such as Bermuda and Mauritius. The effect of the Asian financial crisis at the end of the decade may have altered these trends for the first group of countries, though the exact effect is not known in terms of ILO data. OECD data (1998a) tend to confirm this general trend, while noting that increases in real terms have been slower than growth in GDP per capita.

For the most part, low-income countries continued to lose ground at all levels, though relatively higher salaries for higher education may be noted in some – the Central African Republic and Honduras. Deteriorating teacher salary levels, even drastic cuts in real terms across all levels, are attributed to continued fiscal difficulties and structural adjustment policies which curtail public spending and educational financing. The small reporting base means that conclusions should nevertheless be made with caution, as some countries show considerable deviation from the overall patterns in each income group.

Table 7. Real salary index for pre-primary and primary teachers in selected countries, 1990-98 (1990 = 100)
 

Table 8.     Real salary index for secondary teachers in selected countries, 1990-98 (1990 = 100)
 

Table 9. Real salary index for higher education teachers in selected countries, 1990-98 (1990 = 100)
 

Salary ranges

The most recent survey of minimum and maximum salaries in European countries compared to GDP per capita in the 1997-98 school year (EURYDICE, 1999a) tends to confirm the picture previously presented by the ILO whereby only a small minority of countries among members of the EU, those seeking membership to the EU from mainly central and eastern Europe, and EFTA/EEA countries, pay entry level primary teacher salaries at or above GDP per capita. More countries pay above GDP levels at lower- and upper-secondary levels, but the numbers remain a minority. Two-thirds of these same countries pay maximum salaries, generally reached at the end of a teachers’ career, which are above GDP per capita, ranging for the most part from almost 1.5 to more than three times this benchmark (Portugal, all levels; Cyprus and Spain for secondary teachers). Some middle-income countries such as Jordan and Malaysia also pay salaries for upper secondary teachers between two to three times higher than GDP per capita.

Secondary level salaries are often higher than those in primary, reflecting the persistence of differentials in teacher qualification levels between the two. OECD data (1998a) indicates that in more than half of reporting countries, including non-member countries participating in the WEI survey, statutory salaries of teachers with 15 years’ experience and minimum qualifications are higher for upper secondary than those for primary teachers, sometimes substantially. In three-quarters of the countries, salaries of general and vocational teachers are roughly equivalent.

Working conditions

Principals

There is wide diversity in working condition variables for principals, even among countries of relatively homogenous economic levels. Principals may manage small or large schools: the average number of teaching staff of a primary school may vary from eight in Norway to 100 in Portugal (OECD, 1998a). Many educational systems still allocate teaching responsibilities to school heads, as a function of the level of school, number of pupils or similar considerations such as numbers of classes, size or type of the school. In European countries where teaching still figures prominently in the responsibilities of school heads, for example Bulgaria, Greece and Spain, they may spend from 72 to 216 hours per year on teaching in the first, and from five to as much as 20 hours a week on these tasks in the latter two. Reports from non-European countries also show a range of expected teaching hours for principals: in the United Republic of Tanzania, five teaching hours/week for principals and ten hours/week for deputies (EURYDICE, 1996b; IBE, 1999).

Teachers

The previous ILO survey on working hours trends (1996a) showed no appreciable change in teachers’ hours of work over the preceding ten years, which stayed in the range of 20-30 teaching hours/week in early childhood and primary schools and decreased slightly at higher levels. However, total weekly hours of work may considerably exceed these core averages when all aspects of teachers’ work are factored in. Some analysts have estimated the non-instructional component of teachers’ work as accounting for anywhere between 10 and 50 per cent of a week’s work in European countries. Moreover, the 1990s have witnessed a progressive alteration of the nature of work and its intensity in relation to school organization, curricula and teaching methodology, and student attitudes.

The available information does not point to significant variations from the patterns outlined above in developing countries. Teaching hours per week in selected countries are indicated in table 10.

Total instructional hours per year in the mid-1990s varied widely regardless of income group. Among OECD countries, for example, it ranged from just over 400 hours per year to nearly 1,000 (lowest in the Republic of Korea, highest in the United States), depending on the country and level of education. Similarly, it may range from over 600 in Thailand to more than 1,100 in Indonesia, from almost 400 in Bangladesh and 700 in the Maldives to almost 1,000 in Togo (EFA, 1996, OECD, 1998a).

Table 10. Average weekly teaching hours in selected countries, 1996-98
 

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[12] Total enrolments divided by the official school-age population for that level.

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