Summary of the discussion by Tan Ern-Ser
"Taking stock and pressing on"
1. Introduction: Key themes
If there is one issue that matters to unionists and labour researchers on the threshold of the new millennium, it would
probably be that of organizing strategies. This concern was reflected in the overwhelming response by participants to the
January/February topic of the ILO's on-line "Organized Labour 2000" conference. From their different vantage points
and varied experiences, many participants discussed the issue with passion and candour, and some with enormous insight.
They provided many useful leads from which to develop a comprehensive inventory of union organizing strategies which
may be codified for further academic analysis by labour researchers. They may also be applied to experimentation and
implementation by unionists.
However, although the topic dealt with organizing strategies, the ideas, perspectives, observations and cases shared by
participants were not restricted to increasing membership figures and mobilizing union members for collective action.
Indeed, a key theme was the relevance of unionism or, as Murray put it more bluntly: "What are unions for?" This is a
fundamental question given that potential or current members want to know if unionism has a future before they join or
commit themselves to unions. Another theme covered in the conference can be phrased as: "What structure should
unions adopt?" How to ensure that unions as organizations are responsive to the needs of their members and are capable
of handling the turbulent external environment in the new millennium? The fourth theme was: "Who makes up the union
constituencies?" Since membership and member support constitute the life-blood of unions, it makes sense for them to
know who they should target and mobilize, and thereby ensure survival and growth.
This paper summarizes the contributions to the "organizing strategies" segment of the web conference under the four
themes mentioned above. The paper begins by placing the relevance of unionism within the context of current debates on
social dialogue and social protection in the age of globalization and the market economy. It then moves on to discuss the
contributions of conference participants on the basics and specifics of organizing strategies. The rationale for taking this
approach, instead of merely presenting an inventory of organizing strategies and tactics, is to lend support to the position
that while unions do not operate under conditions of their own choosing--in particular, having to confront the ill-effects
of globalization--they can re-invent themselves, forge new directions, develop new structures and mobilize new
constituencies so as to maintain their relevance and strength, reap the benefits of globalization and uphold the dignity of
labour. If they are to achieve these objectives, unions must understand the situation they confront, identify the guiding
principles that can help them stay on course and recognize the constraints they face, before they can devise effective
organizing strategies.
2. The situation, the premise, and two "bottom-lines"
What then is the situation confronting trade unions at the threshold of the new millennium? Judging from the
contributions of conference participants, one could sense a contradictory feeling--a mixture of pessimism and optimism--among labour researchers and practitioners regarding the future of trade unionism and employment relations. The
pessimism is fuelled by rising individualism among workers, declining union density and the growing strength of capital
via technology and globalization; the optimism springs from confidence that social principles must somehow triumph
over market principles, that increasingly workers at all occupational levels are finding that they have nothing to lose and
everything to gain from organizing, and from the victories won by organized labour at local, regional and international
level.
However, whether one is a pessimist or an optimist, the historical trajectory experienced by labour should be understood
as a process, characterized by gains and losses, facilitating factors and impediments, but, more importantly, by positive
shifts in attitudes towards the fundamental human rights to employment and decent work (Somavía, 15 December, 1999,
ILO Statement to the WTO Meeting). The basic premise, on which there is now almost universal consensus, is that the
market economy must serve social ends. As Adams implied, social justice must not be sacrificed on the altar of unbridled
business interests and lopsided economic growth.
For social justice and social protection to take root in a market economy, the main social partners - the state, labour and
capital--must, through regular dialogue, find an optimum balance between the two "bottom-lines"--profits for capital
and meaningful work, decent wages, and job security for labour - thereby helping to establish a stable, viable welfare-enhancing social design. Such an arrangement requires a vibrant market economy generating well-paid jobs and the
means to finance a form of socialism in which "an ethic of community and mutual responsibility" prevails. (Endnote 1)
3. The relevance of unionism
The above view is perhaps unpopular - even politically incorrect, particularly for unionists who encounter capitalist
exploitation, managerial control strategies and authoritarian governments. Their aversion to such a view is
understandable given that terms like social partnership, social dialogue, and social protection, may be paid lip service by
governments and employers, but are merely rhetoric with no real substance in the everyday life of workers.
Several contributions from participants indicated that employers do not always have the interest of their employees at
heart. As Ogden commented, even when employers implement empowerment measures, their intentions are often
suspect; such measures do benefit some workers, but not all. In some countries, workers do not even have the "luxury" of
evaluating whether empowerment is a management ploy to get more work out of them. A case in point is that cited by
Kumar, who concurred with the editor of a workers' bulletin, that in Faridabad and New Delhi, India, workers were
routinely not paid their wages and often threatened by "management goons." Likewise, Murray noted the case of workers
in Mexico who were sacked for trying to organize a union in their workplace. Most managements however, are, not so
blatantly exploitative and readily given to violence. Replying to Ogden, Richardson argued that:
(managements use) technology as a lever to transform workplaces and to change power relations. They are, for example,
monitoring our members on a continuous basis and using the information gathered to decrease their reliance on worker
skill and knowledge. The work process is changed in a way that increases stress and workload and decreases job security,
even as important sources of union power are undermined.
From a slightly different angle, Bronfenbrenner observed that:
unions around the globe have watched in dismay as employers and governments…hastened to replicate US
economic policies, labour laws, and union avoidance strategies, (resulting in) a race to the bottom for every aspect
of the employment relationship--whether safety and health, contract enforcement, job security, pension benefits,
or the right to organize.
However, managers, employers and governments are not always the villain in capital-labour relations. Sarfati
highlighted editorial comments in Le Monde that "unions (do not respond) to the real concerns of…wage earners
(and that their) fraudulent use of…pension funds will deal a blow to social dialogue…in France". Perez lamented
that "too many (US) unions more closely resemble old-style political patronage machines than the vibrant
grassroots organizations they ought to be."
What implications can we draw from these observations? Do they suggest that labour should seek to replace the
market economy with a more labour-centred industrial order, since employers and managers cannot be trusted to
incorporate worker interest in their calculus? Should labour deal only with individuals, policymakers, legislation
and institutions that have prevented workers from getting a fair deal, leaving the market economy intact? Should
unions be dispensed with, given the possibility of workers enjoying real benefits under enlightened management
which draws up individual contracts? Would workers be better off competing in the so-called free market,
instead of relying on collective action to enforce their rights?
These are fundamental questions that must be confronted even before we consider the practical issue of union
organizing strategies. Unions must first deal with the broad philosophical questions relating to vision, mission,
objectives and goals against the social context in which they are embedded. Once it is clear what unionism is
about the practical concern of developing organizing strategies will be a more meaningful and effective exercise.
In short, it makes sense to get back to basics.
4. Back to basics
An assumption that must be made at this juncture is that unionism, the institution for mobilizing and facilitating
collective action and bargaining, is a necessary part of working life, and an indispensable instrument to ensure that
"capitalism (shows) respect for human rights".(Endnote 2) Academics and practitioners might find it unnecessary, if not
ridiculous to restate this assumption. After all, isn't it self-evident that labour needs to be organized if it is to have
political clout and a voice?
The fact is that, except for a few encouraging cases, union density has registered a steep decline since the mid-seventies in many industrialized countries, while in developing countries, union density increased somewhat, but
extremely slowly (Jose, 2000, p.3). However, declining union density does not necessarily indicate that unions
are deemed irrelevant by workers. As Bronfenbrenner observed:
It is too easy to dismiss unions as…irrelevant for today's workers because of a combination of the failures of
today's unions and a mythical notion of a new industrial relations model where workers get everything from
employers that they ever needed from a union. Yet such conclusions fail to recognize either the true nature of the
twenty-first century workplace or the reasons that workers turn to unions in the first place…organizing activities
(among low- wage workers with no job security) have contributed most to the recent turnaround in US organizing
success.
In other words, if union density is in decline and unionism seems irrelevant, it is because unions and workers have
forgotten the basics. It could also be that some labour constituencies have been taken in by the corporate
paternalism favoured by some employers and their management gurus. Jacoby (1998, pp.89-90) put it very
succinctly:
…big business attempted to care for its workers and their families in bad times and good using a new battery of
devices including pensions, stock and saving plans, unemployment schemes, medical care, company newspapers,
and sports teams. Such activities were not strictly necessitated by production, but were instead designed to
establish a sense of mutuality within employment relations…Paternalism undercut the appeal of unions; worker
resolve for independent action weakened with each additional attachment extended by the corporation.
But all is not lost, despite tension between the forces that seek to buy employee loyalty or ignore workers' rights,
and the forces that expose capitalist exploitation and incline workers towards the organizing activities of unions.
Occasionally, the pendulum may swing against unionism, but the underlying character of the employment relation
always swings it back again.
Given that capitalist employment relations tend to be seen in zero-sum terms, there is a case for arguing that
labour should seek to transform capitalism. However, the experience of the last century suggests that:
markets have all the dynamic merits that make them the most expedient way of organizing economic life; but
they sometimes want to go where they should not, have an intrinsic and irresponsible blindness to the outcomes of
their operation (Wright, 1996, p. 139).
Reinforcing his earlier argument, Wright (1996, p.148) stresses that:
the market economy is the most expedient way of organizing economic life yet devised, and depends upon that
economy working vibrantly, but we also know that a market economy without social obligations is a route to hell.
To Hyman, the point is this:
organized labour must seek to encourage and harness the positive gains that can be obtained from promoting a
vibrant market economy, without allowing it to become a market society.
To recapitulate: unionism is relevant to the welfare of workers, even if some unions have lost touch with their
members, faded into oblivion or, worse, become an instrument of managerial control. However, to stay relevant,
organized labour should be oriented towards developing a fruitful social partnership with capital, precisely
because the market economy can deliver prosperity, but employers and managers have to be persuaded, through
the political influence of strong, independent unions, that capital-labour relations can produce mutual benefits. If
these ideas are understood by workers, and if unions are able to deliver the fruits of the social partnership between
labour and capital, we already have the basis for vibrant unionism and in turn a springboard for successful union
organizing.
5. Sound philosophy, viable programmes
One of the fundamental principles of union organizing is that they should develop viable programmes based on a
sound philosophy that serves the long-term interest of members; otherwise, to use a well-worn phrase, unions
could end up "winning the battle, but losing the war". Another phrase worth repeating is that one may sometimes
have to "take two steps backwards, in order to advance three steps forward".
In the turbulent and complex environment of the new millennium, organized labour must seek to adapt and remain
relevant, without compromising its raison d'être of enhancing the welfare of workers. It is not a question of
surrendering to capital but, as noted earlier, of maintaining a meaningful dialogue between the social partners at
local, national and international level, to ensure that social justice is given due consideration, if not top priority, in
all government and business decisions.
Business decisions may involve restructuring--downsizing, relocation and plant closure--and the use of new
technology, which can have the undesirable effect of threatening job security and the livelihood of workers. Some
of these decisions may stem from the ill-intent of management or corrupt governments, resulting in unfair
practices; others may have a rational basis. Whatever the basis of business decisions, any outcome that puts
workers at a disadvantage is obviously unacceptable from the standpoint of labour or even of the state, which has
a responsibility for enhancing the welfare and living standards of the citizenry. The implication here is that labour
must be vigilant, even as it builds up its strength and political clout. It needs to be discerning in its approach to
national labour laws, government policies and international charters relating to human rights at the workplace and
in a global market economy.
The ICFTU-APRO's Social Charter for Democratic Development (1994, pp.10-11) captures the essence and
philosophy of unionism for the twenty-first century very well:
The primary function of trade unions in society remains as a mechanism to influence the distribution of wealth
within the society and to initiate activities that enhance the individual and collective rights of workers, expose and
prevail against exploitation and the abuse of working people and their families.
Workers and their representative trade unions firmly believe that rules for the enlargement of markets and the
prevention of protectionism must be designed so as to encourage and promote internationally accepted basic
workers' rights.
Workers and their representative trade unions are against any form of protectionism, declared or disguised, in
trade and investment regimes, for in the ultimate analysis protectionism protects nobody.
The Social Charter also reiterates that: "(It) is neither desirable nor possible at the present time for developing
country trade unions to seek employment conditions comparable to those in developed countries" (1994, p.9), and,
by the same token, "wages must be based not just on productivity alone but must reflect the overall economic
growth of the country" (1994, p.15).
The Charter takes labour beyond arguing about the relevance of unionism and the advantages of promoting a
market economy, to counselling against protectionistic tendencies on the part of unions in developed countries and
the clamour for First World living standards on the part of some developing countries. While protectionism
means keeping out cheaper foreign imports, it also means protecting jobs in non-viable enterprises, which is an
undesirable outcome. It is not always motivated by a the desire to protect jobs threatened by sweatshop child
labour working under sub-human conditions.
To reiterate a point made earlier, unions must be able to discern what is in the best interest of workers; this may
sometimes mean tolerating short-term job losses and wage cuts. The latter is an unorthodox view, but it is
catching on as unions and workers realize that even as organized labour seeks the implementation and strict
enforcement of minimum labour standards, there is a bottom-line below which enterprises become non-viable.
More specifically, labour needs to be organized so as to harness power, have a voice at various levels, and help
put in place social protection instruments which are economically viable. This would involve, among other
things, setting up training programmes to enhance long-term employability--as distinct from life-time
employment. Perhaps, in the longer term, workers and unions which believe they can maximize welfare through
worker ownership and cooperatives should, in Wheeler's view, take up the challenge of embarking on such
ventures. The point is this: unions should establish a track record of offering viable programmes that maximize
the welfare of workers in the complex, turbulent, and fast-changing business environment of the new millennium.
They should do this because a solid track record of delivering concrete benefits is in itself a good way of attracting
new members and maintaining the loyalty of current members.
This paper will now highlight the main elements of a broad framework for organizing strategies before focussing
on specific strategies recommended by conference participants. Our aim in the rest of this paper is to extract the
lessons that may be learned from academics and practitioners operating in different parts of the globe and at
different levels--local, regional and international.
- Union organizing strategies: Broad framework
Union organizing strategies are best understood not only as the action and response of real people, with different
resources and opportunities, facing real problems and constraints, but also within the framework of organizations
adapting to and seeking to mobilize resources from the external environment. As organizations, unions need to
establish worthy objectives, reasonable goals and viable programmes (incorporating their chosen values and
philosophy). These should be backed by a solid track record of accomplishments that can galvanize and motivate
their participants. They need to develop competent leadership, a responsive structure, and the capacity to manage
the external environment effectively.(Endnote 3) The "goal" element has been dealt with extensively in the earlier sections.
This section will focus on leadership structure, participants and the external environment.
6.1 Competent union leadership
One of the most crucial ingredients for a successful organizing strategy is to recruit and nurture leaders who are
motivated, accountable, competent and knowledgeable. Competent, knowledgeable leadership is indispensable for
funding responses to the rapid and continuous changes set in motion at the workplace by technology and globalization.
This resonates with Richardson's argument that workplace changes often lead to the rapid obsolescence of "the
protections put in place through the struggles of working people". This means that the contractual obligations and
traditional regulations developed in an earlier period are no longer adequate. Unions which hope to survive and thrive in
the age of globalization therefore need leaders who are as competent as those on the management side; they have to
understand the implications of technological and organizational changes, and be prepared for "continuous bargaining",
thereby ensuring that the welfare of workers is not compromised. However, unions have to ensure that competent,
knowledgeable leaders remain accountable.
6.2 Democratic structure and membership involvement
Trade unions, like most large organizations, can turn into self-serving oligarchies, staffed by bureaucrats and
professionals. Lukman observed that "stronger unions (in Nigeria) have produced career unionists with high security of
tenure…not determined by union performance". Agreeing with Perez and Gabriel, Durbridge was concerned about the
lack of democratic accountability among the union professionals with internal career paths. He argued that in Australia
between 1983 and 1996, many members were alienated from their union.
In contrast, writing about the demonstrations in Seattle during the WTO conference in December 1999, a participant
remarked that the occasion has led to Internet and face-to-face discussions among workers from different parts of the
world and stimulated them to resist employers' harassment. This implies that once unions become democratic, they tend
to reinforce a sense of ownership and empowerment among rank-and-file members, and eventually attract new members
who see the union as their instrument for achieving fairness and justice at the workplace.
The challenge therefore lies in developing union structures that can prevent bureaucratization and professionalization
from becoming self-serving and unresponsive to the concerns of union members and workers. A New Zealand example
highlighted by Fenton, a unionist, suggested that democratic unions, or "worker-driven unions", need "organizers", as
opposed to "advocates", who understand the real concerns of workers, help raise their consciousness and confidence,
inspire them to empower themselves, and nurture leadership from among the members. A related point was raised by
Eisenscher who argued that union leaders must "connect" with members and build up an "internal community", forging
two-way communication and "dialectical relationships" between leaders and members.
6.3 Reducing the costs of membership: Building a climate for freedom of association and union representation
We have argued that part of union organizing strategy involves developing competent, accountable leaders and
democratic institutions and structures. This would go a long way towards making membership attractive. However,
while membership has its benefits, it does have costs as well. In many cases, the costs far exceed the benefits.
MacArthur concurred with Adams that one of the obstacles to forming a union is that there are still managers who
actively resist employee attempts to establish independent workplace organizations. He suggested that workers are often
prevented from "exercising their democratic right to freely associate" for fear of harassment, intimidation or dismissal.
Referring to export processing zones in Third World countries, Lewis noted that "EPZs are off-limits to trade unions and
trade union activity" and that violations of health standards and occupational safety do not produce a response from trade
unions.
The big picture, as observed by the 16th World Congress of the ICFTU (1996, p.15), is that long-established universal
principles of freedom of association and collective bargaining contained in national and international jurisprudence are
being challenged or merely ignored in an ever-widening number of countries on all continents.
Clearly, the need to create a political climate which respects workers' rights to union representation should continue to be
emphasized at all levels and through various means. These might be legislative measures in MacArthur's view or, as
Adams preferred, political pressures exerted by international coalitions of NGOs aimed at "exposing the deficiencies of
the current world trading regime". Prasad added that organized labour should "explore (and will benefit from exploring)
new options and strategies (which) directly increase its political influence, both nationally and internationally".
6.4 Changes in union constituencies
Apart from the basic ingredients noted above--leadership, structure and political climate--a very important point is the
radical and rapid change in occupational and labour market structures caused by the vast transformation of the workplace.
This fundamental change has important implications for the constituencies which unions try to organize.
Jose (2000, p.8) argued that labour market changes including privatization, enterprise downsizing and the adoption of
flexible employment practices, have affected the strength of unions, and that unions must rise to the challenge of an
eroding membership base by meeting the special requirements of their traditional constituents: public-sector employees
and workers in labour-intensive industries. Jose (2000, pp.9-10) also pointed out that, increasingly in developing
countries, unions will have to reach out to non-traditional constituencies, including:
(i) new entrants at the higher end of labour markets, including professional and white- collar workers;
(ii) casual workers, who are either part-timers or temporary workers;
(iii) home-based workers and those in the informal sector;
(iv) women workers…and migrant workers.
Besides casual and informal sector workers, Sinha highlighted the need to cater to the unemployed, in particular those
who have lost their job as a result of enterprise downsizing or relocation. Peetz pointed out that in those countries
(Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Iceland and Sweden) that implement "Ghent" systems of unemployment insurance, union
density tends to be higher and, paradoxically, to rise as unemployment rises. He arguedthat protection and benefits for
unemployed members mean that unions can not only retain members who have lost their job, but also "encourage people
to join while they are still in work". Maxwell and Kumar agreed with Peetz about the importance of helping unemployed
members; this will strengthen the membership base of unions.
The complexity brought about by labour market changes requires that unions adapt their structures to meet the diverse
needs of different categories of workers. There are workers in short-term employment, workers threatened by possible
long-term employment or at least bouts of seasonal unemployment, and workers employed on individual contracts. In
other words, as Tugabiirwe emphasized, just as employers practise flexible work arrangements, unions should be equally
flexible in their organizing strategies.
More generally, Nuera suggested that "trade unions have to reinvent themselves", while Casey stressed that unions "need
to do some serious thinking and some serious work on figuring out what the new forms of unionism will be in a
knowledge-based, increasingly integrated global capitalist economy." The bottom line for organized labour, however,
remains largely the same: to enhance the welfare of workers, and to ensure social protection within the global market
economy.
So far we have dealt with the basic framework--and, by implication, the ingredients--that must be borne in mind when
developing specific organizing strategies. Some of the variables, particularly the external environment confronting
unions, are experienced as constraints, while others may be facilitating factors. Essentially, organizing strategies entail
overcoming the former and harnessing the latter in order to develop an effective organization capable of enhancing the
welfare of members in particular, and labour in general. Bronfenbrenner argued that effective organizing strategies and
tactics can make a significant difference, even in a hostile organizing climate.
What are the specific organizing strategies and tactics that organized labour could use to build up effective unions?
Murray defined "organizing" as a multi-faceted concept involving the following:
It covers the notion of recruitment of members into an organization at the workplace level, and thus raises questions about
the ways in which such recruitment activity takes place and the factors influencing the behaviours of union officials,
potential members and employers. Organizing also encompasses the ways in which unions operate to activate and
empower their members. This may raise questions about the relative powers of union officials (for example, the national
office versus the workplace delegate), the degree of leadership control, the ways in which members participate and the
nature of the issues dealt with by unions.
7. Organizing strategies: The specifics
The present section extracts some useful lessons from Bronfenbrenner's research in the United States, and
Gibson's practical experience as a labour organizer in Australia. We also learn from the contributions by Simkin,
an activist and academic from New Zealand; Peetz, an academic from Australia, and by Murray, who has prepared
a comprehensive summary.
7.1 An effective structure
On the basis of her observation of teachers in New Zealand, Simkin suggested that occupational unionism is superior to
industrial or enterprise unionism as it "provides members with support for each other and opportunities for discussion of
common difficulties and strengths in the job". She further argued that occupational unionism enhances union loyalty
among members, while enterprise unionism is intended to produce company loyalty.
A lesson to be learned from Simkin's recommendation is that an effective organizing strategy must begin with a structure
that can capture, voice and defend the interests and concerns of members and potential members. Ironically, in another
context, this principle may entail the adoption of other organizational forms, including perhaps enterprise unionism,
rather than the occupational unionism recommended by Simkin. Perhaps we would do well to be reminded of the three
basic assumptions proposed by contingency theorists in organizational studies (Scott, 1998, p.95, citing Galbraith, 1973,
p.2):
(i) There is no single way to organize.
(ii) All ways of organizing are not equally effective.
(iii) The best way to organize depends on the nature of the environment to which the organization relates.
7.2 Effective leadership: Training of activists, facilitators and organizers
Apart from Gibson, a contribution from Learmonth emphasized the need to train activists. MacKenzie-Nicholas,
agreeing with Eisenscher, also highlighted the importance of training leaders to become effective organizers and
facilitators. Besides focussing on organizing skills, the training curriculum should cover broader political issues and
technical aspects to equip union leaders with the knowledge and expertise to negotiate with managers, and develop
sustainable union programmes and benefit schemes to enhance the welfare of workers.
7.3 Information gathering, dissemination and communication
Gibson stressed the need for gathering information via surveys which can stimulate members' involvement and
commitment. He noted that unions could provide delegates with information kits containing training materials on
recruitment, among other things. He suggested using newsletters and Internet facilities to arouse interest in issues
and activities among members as well as to convey information. There is no doubt that advanced information
technology, including the use of Internet facilities, could serve union efforts in organizing and democratization.
However, as many workers, particularly in developing countries, do not have access to cyberspace, the use of
Internet does have limitations at present.
7.4 Reaching out to members and potential members
Even as unions reach out to a wide network of activists, members, and potential members through cyberspace, this cannot
substitute for face-to-face interactions with union constituencies. Frundt argued that "house-to-house organizing is a
necessary requisite", particularly in societies run by repressive regimes. Moreover, even in the American context,
Bronfenbrenner observed that:
campaigns where the union focussed on person-to person contact, house calls and small group meetings to develop
leadership and union consciousness and inoculate workers against (employers') union strategy were associated with
significantly higher win rates than traditional campaigns which primarily utilized gate leafleting, mass meetings and
glossy mailings to contact unorganized workers.
7.5 Enhancing ownership and commitment: Bonding activities
Besides Bronfenbrenner's upbeat assessment of the union organizing situation in the United States, Peetz reported
his case study of a rather successful union in West Malaysia, the National Union of Bank Employees (NUBE).
Among other strategies, NUBE "creates and reinforces a culture of belonging through various social activities (for
example, cyclethon, charity luncheon and games, and trekking)", which helps inculcate a sense of ownership and
collective identity. Bronfenbrenner observed that, in the American context, activities which relate directly to
union exercises, such as:
petitions, mass grievances, T-shirt or button days, rallies, public forums, or leveraging the employer through
suppliers, investors, stockholders or customers, were…found to have a significant positive impact on union
organizing success. They were also successful in building up worker solidarity, developing union leadership,
reinforcing commitment among pro-union workers, and convincing undecided voters that they can safely support
the union.
8. Where do unions go from here?
We began this paper with a lengthy discussion on the relevance of unionism, and the need for a sound philosophy
and viable programmes. The relevance of unionism has never been questioned by conference participants,
although undemocratic, unresponsive unions were criticized for failing to connect with and give voice to the
interests and concerns of workers. What is noteworthy, however, is that the broader issue of union strategies, as
distinct from organizing strategies, received scant attention from participants. Perhaps, the issue is taken for
granted, or perhaps, being a labour conference, participants do not want to risk appearing too friendly towards
capital or the state.
Yet, in our increasingly interdependent world in which society must harness the advantages of the market
economy, there is no question that organized labour must work closely with the state and capital. This calls for
unions that will be taken seriously by workers, employers and governments. Serious unions attempt to move
beyond capital-bashing to establish a strong, independent organization and voice capable of contributing to policy
development at the highest level. (Understandably, in some countries, the political climate may render capital-labour cooperation rather difficult, if not impossible; hence, this statement should not be construed as, and is not
intended to, trivialize or make light of the struggles and sacrifices of unions operating in repressive contexts.) In
her summary for the conference topic "organizing strategies", Murray argued that "union activism should not be
limited to workplace organizing, but should include a clear social project in alliance with other forces", both in the
community and internationally. She also commented that unions should have a role in job creation.
However, in the new millennium, unions have to reinvent themselves to ensure that they continue to safeguard the
welfare of workers in a vastly transformed and dynamic global and business environment. Organized labour in
different countries is experimenting with new ways of responding to the challenges of globalization and
technological change. Some examples from Singapore may be relevant here.
In Singapore, unions emphasize skill upgrading to help workers achieve lifetime employability. There is also a
move towards the use of portable, cumulative benefits (for example, medical insurance, pension schemes) which
are not tied to a particular employer (Straits Times, 13 April 2000). These measures are based on the premise that
businesses and the employment they provide are not necessarily permanent; hence, workers must stay ahead of the
game by keeping themselves employable, and unions may secure more benefits for workers by negotiating for
higher benefits when the employers can best afford them. In the global, knowledge-based economy, while no one
can guarantee permanent employment, there is a case for promoting permanent membership in reinvented unions
geared towards harnessing the benefits of markets and technology, while ensuring that the market economy does
not degenerate into a market society.
- Summary and concluding remarks
This paper began with the remark that there is mixed pessimism and optimism among organized labour, but its
contents indicate that the optimism far outweighs the pessimism. For one thing, there is confidence that unionism
is not about to fade into oblivion.
Indeed, unionism has acquired new relevance in the new economy. However, to ensure its continued viability and
vitality, it must reinvent itself and develop new paradigms. To use a well- worn cliché, it must think global and
act local, making its presence felt at international forums, keeping in tune with the dynamics of the global
economy, connecting with the people it represents, and empowering them to take ownership and participate in
what unionism stands for.
Nevertheless, it is recognized that circumstances may not always be very favourable to union existence, let alone
organizing. Certainly, none of the participants believed in quick-fix solutions which may prove rather simplistic,
if not disastrous in certain contexts. Oppressive regimes and hostile employers are a threat to unionism. In fact, as
Murray noted in her summary, several participants cautioned against the lack of cross-cultural sensitivity, and the
drawing of false conclusions from cross-cultural data. However, while the situation may differ from one country
to another, this international conference has produced valuable lessons which have cross-national applications.
They include the following points:
- Unions should establish a track record of offering viable programmes (e.g, skill training) that can maximize the
welfare of workers in the complex, turbulent and fast changing business environment of the new millennium. A solid
track record of delivering concrete benefits is in itself a good selling point for attracting new members and maintaining
the loyalty of current members.
- Unions which hope to survive and thrive in the age of globalization need leaders who are as competent as those on the
management side; able to understand the implications of technological and organizational changes, and prepared for
continuous bargaining, thereby ensuring that the welfare of workers is not compromised.
- Unions must reinforce a sense of ownership and empowerment among rank-and-file members. They must seek to
"connect" with members, build up an "internal community", and forge two-way communication between leaders and
members.
- Unions should develop strategies which directly enhance their political influence, both nationally and internationally.
- Unions need to recognize the radical and rapid changes occurring in the occupational and labour market structure, and
adjust themselves to cater to the changing needs of their traditional constituencies as well as to reach out to non-traditional constituencies, including professionals, temporary and casual workers, and informal sector workers.
- Unions need to develop an effective structure, defined as one which provides members with mutual support and
opportunities for sharing their problems.
- Unions need to train their leaders to become effective organizers, facilitators and activists.
- Unions should develop and maintain an infrastructure, including Internet facilities, for information gathering,
dissemination and communication.
- Unions should adopt an individual approach to recruiting new members and retaining the commitment of current
members.
- Unions should organize regular bonding activities to build up worker solidarity, develop union leaders, reinforce the
commitment of pro-union workers, and convince non-union workers that they stand to benefit from joining unions.
References
Galbraith, J. R. 1973. Designing complex organizations (Reading, Mass., Addison-Wesley).
ICFTU-APRO. 1994. Social charter for democratic development (Singapore; ICFTU-Asian Pacific Regional
Office).
ICFTU. 1996. Decisions adopted by the 16th World Congress of the ICFTU (Brussels, ICFTU).
Jacoby, D. 1998. Labouring for freedom: A new look at the history of labor in America (Armonk, NY, M. E.
Sharpe).
Jose, A. V. 2000. "The future of the labour movement: Some observations on developing countries." Discussion
Paper 112/1999. Labour and Society Programme (Geneva, International Institute of Labour Studies).
Scott, W. R. 1998. Organizations: Rational, natural, and open systems. (4th ed). (N.J., Prentice Hall).
Straits Times, 13 April 2000. "For workers, a 'survival kit' from the NTUC".
Wright, T. 1996. Socialisms: Old and new (London, Routledge).
Participants
Adams Roy, McMaster University, Canada
Bronfenbrenner Kate, Cornell University, USA
Casey Leo, United Federation of Teachers, USA
Durbridge Robert, Australia
Eisenscher Michael
Fenton Darien, New Zealand
Frundt Hank, USA
Gabriel Jeanette, USA
Gibson Jason, Australia
Hyman Richard, UK
Kumar Arun, India
Learmonth Anne, Australia
Lewis Linden, USA
Lukman Salihu, Nigeria
MacArthur Brian
MacKenzie-Nicholas Linda
Maxwell Stuart
Murray Jill, University of Melbourne, Australia
Nuera Arturo, Philippines
Ogden Max
Peetz David, Australia
Perez Guillermo
Prasad Satendra, Fijian Islands
Richardson Charley
Sarfati Hedva, ILO
Simkin Gay, New Zealand
Sinha Pravin, India
Tugabiirwe Emmanuel, Netherlands
Wheeler Hoyt
Endnote 1:
This is Wright's (1996) main thesis. Essentially, he argues for a new form of collectivism which goes beyond capitalism and socialism.
Endnote 2:
Jacoby (1998) reiterated this stand in his recent book which sought "a new look at the history of labour in America" from the perspective of
freedom and human rights, rather than property relations and power.
Endnote 3:
Structure, technology, goals, and participants are the four internal elements of organizations (Scott, 1998, p.17). To ensure organizational
survival and growth, these elements must be geared to handle the external environment.
Trade Unions and Organizing Strategies